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D’Banj reigns supreme at Felabration

D’Banj reigns supreme at Felabration

After a packed week
of events including debates, lectures, book readings and gigs featuring
a wide range of musicians who identify with the Fela Anikulapo-Kuti
legacy, this year’s Felabration came to a close with a bang at the New
Afrika Shrine in Ikeja, Lagos, on Sunday, October 17.

There were
unbelievable scenes outside the New Afrika Shrine on the night, with
hundreds of people milling about on the street, hoping to get in or
just soaking up the atmosphere. And what an atmosphere it was. It was
night time, yet a bustling ‘market’ was in place, with rows of traders
selling liquor in small bottles and sachets. Food and stick-meat were
also on sale. Hardly surprising, for the grand finale of the
celebration of a man known for his use of marijuana, it was an
igbo-drenched night, as music boomed out from the Shrine.

Cars had to
negotiate a tight passage through the largely male crowd and the
‘market’ that had claimed most of the road. Those seeking to enter, had
formed a long queue. Security was tight, and crowd control measures and
stoppers that allow entrance only one-at-a-time, prevented any kind of
stampede. “From one chicken point to another,” remarked one punter, as
we waited to clear the final hurdle into the inner compound that
surrounds the concert ‘main bowl’ that is the Shrine.

The last tribute

Inside, the venue
was an impressive, well fitted one, and it seemed a shame that more
concerts do not currently hold there. At the height of the Felabration
finale, the Shrine’s ‘The Last Tribute’, commemorative images streamed
on large screens above the stage on both sides, paid homage to Fela,
showing photographs from his life, including shots of his mother,
Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti. Alternating with Fela were images of Dagrin,
whose untimely death from a motor accident earlier this year served to
take his fame through the stratosphere. Like Fela, Dagrin is bigger in
death. The tribute was also a well judged emotive factor with many in
the crowd, the generation that adores Dagrin.

Comedian Omobaba
pepped up the audience with jokes while introducing new acts onto the
stage. The batik-clad Gangbe Brass Band came on with an array of
instruments, including a stand-out tuba, borne by its player. “My
English is not so good,” said the jovial bandleader, who nonetheless
found another common ground with many in the audience, greeting them in
Yoruba, which is also spoken in Benin. The group played several numbers
in Yoruba and French, before bringing out a real crowd-pleaser, Fela’s
son, Femi Kuti. He had been on the bill, but no one expected him to
take the stage so early in the programme. Clad in a Fela T-shirt under
unbuttoned orange batik shirt and matching trousers, Femi launched into
a blistering performance on his saxophone, bringing the audience to its
feet. He wore neon-yellow plastic ‘clown’ glass-less eye-wear,
underscoring the ‘fun’ factor of Felabration (his sister, Yeni, would
later be seen in the crowd with similar ‘glasses’ in orange).

Femi carried on
blaring the sax for several minutes and the crowd whooped in
excitement. Stage smoke billowed onto the stage and photographers
crouched to the left and right of Femi to catch the best shots, adding
to the spectacle. That Femi came on so early, confirmed the agreement
of all that the headliner of the night was a man that would not make an
appearance for a while: D’Banj.

After Femi and the
Gangbe Brass Band came a succession of multi-genre acts. Mallam Spicy,
his stage show accompanied by two female dancers who jiggled
frenetically to the Dancehall star’s ‘Free Cure’. Solid Star, sporting
a Mohawk, followed close behind. Then came Tunde and Wunmi Obe, better
known as TWO, who performed an exuberant set with their band. Dressed
in white and black, the clean-cut duo got great reactions from the
crowd as they rendered ‘old school’ hits before performing their own
material, including ‘Fine Bara’ and ‘Mo Gbo, Mo Ya’. A juju band began
and ended their set by singing humorous lines from Saint Janet’s
notorious album, ‘Olope Plus’. In-between, the band played Yoruba dance
music in praise of the Egbas, the Yoruba sub-group of the
Ransome-Kutis.

Mo’Hits Crew

It was a well
behaved crowd, and there was evidence of swift action by staff to eject
troublemakers. Anticipation reached fever pitch with Omobaba’s
announcement of Wande Coal, Don Jazzy and D’Banj onto the stage. D’Banj
didn’t show, but a number of Mo’Hits Crew stars stormed the stage,
including D’Prince (‘Who am I?’ he asked, and the crowd chorused: ‘Omo
Oba’). The set was mostly dominated by Coal who performed his highly
popular hits.

The audience was
going to have to wait a bit longer for D’Banj, but no one seemed to
mind. All the high energy of Wande Coal and others slowly dawned as
mime acts to the detached observer – no instruments played, no backing
band. Was this to be the extent of musicianship on displayed at the
climax of this show? Surely D’Banj would have to do more than this? It
was not long to wonder, for just as the Mo’Hits bravura started to grow
a bit thin, the real deal came.

Superstar

To behold the
spectacle of D’Banj’s arrival onstage, was quite something. Watching
from the raised VIP balcony, the eyes swept over the two thousand
strong audience as D’Banj emerged, clad in white, his tight trousers
reminiscent of the style favoured by Fela. There were unbelievable
scenes as, with Fela’s signature two-fisted Black Power salute, the
singer soaked up the adulation of his fans, as heraldic music wailed a
crescendo. This was the most important performer of the final night of
Felabration, the star attraction, and everyone knew it.

Much earlier in the
evening, posters of D’Banj had been distributed free through the crowd.
Then, minutes before his arrival onstage, he signalled a departure from
his Mo’Hits contemporaries’ performance mode, as his band took up
positions behind musical instruments onstage. After several minutes of
star-worship, D’Banj playfully lifted his ubiquitous shades to take a
playful peek at his adoring fans. Then the band struck up the beat, to
which he sang live.

To watch him was to
observe a star at the height of his powers. With D’Banj’s incredible
stage presence, there were echoes of Elvis Presley at the crest of his
fame. When someone brought D’Banj a face towel – white to match the
outfit, of course – one thought a James Brown cape-drama was in the
offing. D’Banj just needed to wipe the sweat off his face now and then,
and the towel also became part of the showmanship, flicked from time to
time as traditional dancers do with their handkerchiefs. He didn’t have
to do much; wowing the crowd effortlessly. There were no sexy dancers,
no gimmicks; and Wande Coal deferred to a bigger star, singing backing
vocals for D’Banj. There were Fela touches here and there in the
movement, as D’Banj sang his own hits and played the crowd, who lapped
up everything he said or did. “I said it before; I’ll say it again,” he
half-sang, about God-knows-what. He can say it anytime he wants: a star
is born.

There was some talk recently about D’Banj possibly playing Fela in
the hit Broadway musical, and it seemed he came onstage determined to
settle the argument. Anyone resistant to the idea of D’Banj as Fela,
would have had a rethink, seeing his reign at the Shrine. By now it was
1.30am – thousands were inside, many more outside. We decided to leave
in the middle of D’Banj’s set, regrettably, to avoid the crush of the
crowd at the end. As we exited the New Afrika Shrine, D’Banj said over
the loudspeakers, “We all know why we’re here.” Then from the street,
we heard as he launched into Fela’s songs proper, a fitting conclusion
to the evening.

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Line-up for Lagos Jazz Series

Line-up for Lagos Jazz Series

Full artists’ line-up, venues and dates:

November 5 -Sofitel Moorhouse Hotel:

Karen Patterson

Chinaza

Morrie Louden

Randy Weston

November 5 – Federal Palace Hotel:

Mike Aremu

Morrie Louden

Simone

Somi

Randy Weston

November 7 – German Consulate (Sunday jazz breakfast):

Karen Patterson

Chinaza

Nneka

November 7 – Muri Okunola Park:

Bez

Ayetoro

Nneka

Somi

Simone

Femi Kuti

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What’s ON

What’s ON

Lagbaja: Gig by the masked musician – Motherlan’, Opebi, Ikeja, Lagos. Tickets: N2,000. Time: 10pm. October 29.


Jude Dibia: Author reads at Infusion – JB’s Grill, Maitama Amusement Park, Abuja. 6.30pm. October 28.

Kunle Filani: Solo exhibition by the artist – Quintessence, Falomo Shopping Centre, Ikoyi, Lagos. Ends November 13.

Lagos Photo Picnic: Including performance by the Crown Troupe of Africa – Muri Okunola
Park, Victoria Island, Lagos. 2pm. October 24.

Lagos Photo Opening Event: Netherlands Embassy, Walter Carrrington, Victoria Island, Lagos. 7pm. October 29.

Lagos Photo
Exhibition:
Festival of images by 28 photographers- Eko Hotel, Muri
Okunola Park, Professor Ayodele Awojobi Park and MKO Abiola Gardens,
Lagos. Ends November 9.

Tarzan & V-Monologues: The Ultimate Face-Off 2 – Terra Kulture, Tiamiyu Savage, Victoria Island, Lagos. 3pm. October 24.


Movie Premiere: Muyiwa Ademola’s ‘Iyo Aiye’- Silverbird Cinemas, Victoria Island, Lagos, October 31.


Spirit Worlds: Julien Sinzogan’s exhibition on slavery and the ‘Transmigration of
African Souls’- October Gallery, 24 Old Gloucester Street, London WCIN
3AL. Ends November 6.

Abuja Writers’
Forum:
With poet, Kabura Zakama – Pen and Pages Bookstore, White House
Plaza, Plot 79 Adetokunbo Ademola Crescent, Wuse 2, Abuja. 4pm. October
30.

Abuja Film Festival: 7th annual event – Silverbird Cinemas, Abuja. October 26 to 29.


Andrew Dosunmu
Exhibition:
Photography on ‘Music, A symbol of Nigeria’s Independence’
– The Palms Shopping Centre, Lekki, Lagos. Ends November 30.


ANA Convention: 29th annual meeting of Nigerian writers – Babafunke Ajasin Auditorium,
Igbatoro Road, Akure, Ondo State. October 28 to 31.


Celebrity Reads
Africa:
Readings and discussions on books – Terra Kulture, Plot 1376,
Tiamiyu Savage, Victoria I, Lagos. 3–6pm. October 30.


Night Out With The Arts: SPAN dance finale – Eko Hotel & Suites, Victoria Island, Lagos. 7pm, October 29.


National/Cultural Historical Exhibitions: 50 years of Nigerian Art- Velodrome, National Stadium, Abuja. Ends October 31.

Please send details of art events 10 days in advance by SMS 907034086014) or email: culture@234next.com.

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ON THE WATCH

ON THE WATCH

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HONEY STORY: Eight long weeks

HONEY STORY: Eight long weeks

The drama of a lifetime was abridged to fit into
Wayne Rooney’s last eight weeks. If the life of Manchester United’s
star striker were to be depicted in a movie for instance, those last
two months will form a major part.

After his dismal outing in South Africa, images
emerged on the internet of Mr Rooney smoking and urinating against a
wall outside a London night club. In the meantime, his poor form
continued for United where he only managed to score one goal all season
– and that from the penalty spot.

Fast forward two weeks and sultry stories of
Rooney’s dalliance with a prostitute when his wife was pregnant
emerges. But just when you thought that his bag of scandals was
exhausted, it emerged on Tuesday that he had asked to be transferred
after declining to sign a new contract. Manchester United manager, Alex
Ferguson looked heart-broken for the first time in a long coaching
career.

Then to the dizzying finale, all in the last 96
hours: a request to leave and speculation on his next destination:
thugs at his gate warning that he must not leave Manchester unless he
wants to die : and then Fridays sudden about-turn when it emerged that
he had signed a new five year contract with the Red Devils.

The amount involved has not been revealed but it
is rumoured that he will get between £120,000 and £150,000 a week. For
all that money, perhaps the drama that accompanied the greatest and
fastest turn-around in football history should have been expected.

And if you did not run out of breath while reading all the above,
then you must have enjoyed the saga of the Englishman known as the
‘White Ronaldo!’

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The fight for the north-west

The fight for the north-west

The North West
geo-political zone has suddenly become the beautiful bride courted by
all the presidential aspirants of the ruling People Democratic Party
(PDP).

At the last count,
five of the aspirants, Goodluck Jonathan, Ibrahim Babangida, Atiku
Abubakar, Bukola Saraki and Aliyu Gusau have either showed up in the
region or sent foot soldiers to do the ground work necessary for them
to achieve their desire.

One reason for the
special interest in the zone, which comprises Kano, Katsina, Jigawa,
Zamfara, Sokoto, Kaduna and Kebbi states, is that it boasts a huge
voting population and enough delegate votes to make or mar the chances
of any presidential candidate.

The zone, which
pride itself as the most politically astute part of the country, has
more delegates than any other geo-political zone; and in any election,
can muster an estimated 10 million votes. It is also the centre of
conservative north, home to the Sultan of Sokoto and leader of Muslims
in the country. Besides, it is the zone where late president Umaru
Yar’Adua hails from.

The feeling among
the local populace in the aforementioned states is still that of loss.
It is believed that for political expediency, aspirants, who are
conscious of the sensibility of the people, will rather concentrate
their energy in the zone than anywhere else. There is also the fear
that if all necessary ground work are not done by the PDP, the people
might, out of protest, vote en masse for Muhammadu Buhari in the event
that an aspirant from another zone picks the party’s presidential
ticket.

For strategic
reasons, the zone has produced five out of the country’s 14 Heads of
state and elected presidents; namely Murtala Mohammed, Shehu Shagari,
Muhammadu Buhari, Sani Abacha and Umaru Yar’Adua whose influence is
still been felt in the civil service, academia, military and
para-military establishments across the country.

All the states in
the zone, apart from the redoubtable Kano, are governed by the PDP. The
governor of Kano, Ibrahim Shekarau, belongs to the All Nigeria Peoples
Party (ANPP).

After the disputed
2003 presidential elections Mr. Buhari who enjoys large support in the
zone claimed he won the elections, leading to tension in the entire
region. The Emir of Kano, Ado Bayero had to lead a delegation of
influential traditional rulers to pay the then winner of the
presidential election, Olusegun Obasanjo, a solidarity visit in order
to douse tension in the zone.

Presidential
liaison officer to Mr Shagari in the second republic, Tanko Yakassai
said he believes the fact that the zone has a larger population than
any other zone in the country and the influence of the sultanate on
other northern zones were reasons enough for the zone to become the
most sought after by politicians.

“I think in my own
view, the reason why you see politicians concentrating in the
north-west is because we are in democracy which they said is game of
numbers,” he said. “We have the highest number of people. We have more
National Assembly members than any other zone, highest number of
delegates of any political party, not PDP alone.

“Another factor is
the influence of the Sokoto caliphate on the other zones in the north,
including the north central states of Kogi and Niger. If you go to the
north east, the caliphate also has its influence on Borno State, Yobe
and the rest. These and many more reasons are why all attention is on
the zone.” The national vice chairman of the PDP for the North-west,
Danladi Sankara agrees with his assertion. “I must confess that the
Northwest is the most sensitive geo -political zone in the country,” he
said. “The zone has produced brilliant politicians in the past and we
have the highest population and the highest numbers of PDP delegates.”
On whether the zone should produce the next president, Mr. Sankara said
the constitution which is supreme allows everyone to contest and as law
abiding citizens the people respect that.

“This zone does not
have a particular person that we are supporting now among the
aspirants, but whoever emerges the winner of the primaries I assure you
will enjoy the total support of this zone, and as you are aware that
this zone is a PDP dominated one,” Mr. Sankara said.

Pundits believe
that any politician worth his salt and who is keen for political power
will do himself a big favour by reaching out to the zone.

Mr. Babangida, who
was a military president for over seven years, has a retinue of retired
military chiefs and politicians that he once mentored in the region to
fall back on at this critical period of the electioneering process in
the zone.

In Kano, for
instance, the gap-toothed former general is either attending weddings
or burial ceremonies that enable him reach out to the people of the
zone. It is a known fact that he regularly sneaks into town to
strategise with his supporters on how to win back power.

Among Mr.
Babangida’s supporters in Kano are former minority leader of the House
of Representatives in the second republic, Junaid Mohammed and former
speaker of the House Representatives, Ghali Umar Na’abba.

Mr. Na’Abba, whose
support might have been prompted by the godfather of the PDP in Kano,
Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso said he believes Mr. Babangida is the most
experienced of all the aspirants.

“I don’t believe
that Babangida destroyed anything and I don’t believe that Babangida
introduced corruption in this country, he did not introduce
corruption,” Mr Na’Abba said. “When the late Murtala Mohammed became
Head of State, he promised to fight corruption. This means that during
the days of Gowon, there was corruption. When Chukwuma Nzeogwu and his
co-travellers overthrew the Balewa government, they said they were
going to fight corruption because they said Tafawa Balewa, Nnamdi
Azikiwe, Sardauna were all corrupt.”

Musa Danbirni, who
is head of media for Kano State IBB 2011 campaign, said Mr. Babangida
has done enough in the zone for the delegates to give him their votes
in block.

“Babangida is the
man to beat in this zone,” he said. “My advice for other aspirants is
to concentrate in other places where they think they are popular and
stop wasting their time and resources here. People will be surprised
why I’m saying so, but the truth remains that he done a lot for this
zone when he was the military president.” The former military president
has Zamfara State governor, Aliyu Muhammadu Shinkafi in his camp and
enjoys the support of the Jigawa State governor, Sule Lamido and a
tacit endorsement of former Kano State governor, Musa Kwankwaso.

Jonathan’s footprints

Supporters of
President Jonathan, who are conscious of the traditional support some
of his opponents enjoy in the zone, are not resting on their oars as
members of his campaign team, led by Dalhatu Tafida have traversed the
entire states of the North West several times.

Incidentally,
majority of the people in the campaign team of the president come from
the North West. Mr. Tafida is from Kaduna State; former minister of
Internal Affairs and national director, campaign and logistics, Saidu
Balarebe Sambawa, hails from Kebbi. The special assistant to the
President on political matters, Akilu Indabawa is from Kano.

Mr Jonathan, who is
billed to be in Kano on Tuesday, may have kick started his campaign
subtly in the zone. He has paid repeated visits to Sokoto, Kebbi and
Zamfara states, partly to meet with victims of the recent flood
disaster and for other official matters of state.

When the campaign team visited Kano last week, Mr. Sambawa assured the people that the president would sweep the polls.

He further said
that going by the appreciable reception members of his team received in
the five states within the North West geo-political zone, there is the
guarantee that Mr Jonathan would emerge winner of next year’s election.

“You see us
campaigning, we are not sitting because our president is an incumbent;
we are going to everywhere and talking to people we shouldn’t be
talking to get the votes. This is because he is a president who
believes in fairness, justice, ensuring adequate security for lives and
properties. The president was ready for the primaries before now,” Mr
Sambawa said.

The team also
attacked suggestions that the president does not possess the qualities
needed for governing a country such as Nigeria, saying Mr Jonathan is
exceptionally patient, has listening ear and has the aspiration of
Nigerians in mind.

“Here is somebody
who was a deputy governor, he was a governor, he was a vice president
and he is now the president. Can you give me any person who has gone
through this politically in this country? None,” Mr Sambawa said. “This
Goodluck/ Sambo ticket is one of the most educated ticket we have ever
had in this country. So, for anybody to make that type of comment, does
not seem to have respect for the office of the president.” Although it
was gathered that Mr Lamido avoided members of the campaign team, the
Jonathan team received the warmest of receptions accorded from Mr
Kwankwaso, who is himself angling to return to the Kano government
house next year.

The visit by the
Jonathan team came barely 24 hours after former vice president Atiku
Abubakar stormed Kano, Jigawa and Kaduna states. Although he could not
meet Mr Kwankwaso, Mr. Abubakar met with stakeholders of the party and
assured them that he would ensure that the PDP reclaims Kano from the
All Nigerian peoples party (ANPP) at the polls.

Atiku’s focus

The former vice
President met Kano PDP leaders in the residence of a former deputy
governor in the state, Abdullahi Umar Ganduje. “In 1998, I left Adamawa
and came to Kano to make Kwankwaso the governor of this state. I’m back
again to remake him the governor of this state, God willing, by 2011
and you all know that whatever I focus to achieve, I always do that no
matter the obstacle,” Mr. Abubakar said.

Mr Gusau has also
woven into his narrative, the impression that he is a son of the Zone.
His campaign handlers claim he should be the one to complete the
eight-years due the Zone following the inability of Mr Yar’Adua to
complete the job as a result of his death.

While other
aspirants have been working assiduously to garner support from this
zone, the campaign team of Mr. Gusau and Mr. Saraki have not been as
prominent in the zone. They are however believed to be working
underground for now. Mr. Gusau, for instance, has been holding meetings
with politicians across different political party platforms in the zone.

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North’s tortuous search for consensus candidate

North’s tortuous search for consensus candidate

Last Wednesday, a crucial meeting
of the 12-member committee appointed by the Northern Political Leaders
Forum (NPLF) to pick a consensus candidate among the Peoples Democratic
Party (PDP) aspirants from the northern part of the country, was
shelved at the last minute.

The parley was convened following
the failure by the committee, during a previous one, to agree on who,
among the former military president, Ibrahim Babangida; former vice
president, Atiku Abubakar; former national security adviser, Aliyu
Gusau and the incumbent governor of Kwara State, Bukola Saraki, should
challenge President Goodluck Jonathan, himself an aspirant, in the
forthcoming primaries of the PDP.

Members of the committee expected
at the meeting were Adamu Ciroma (chairman), governors Danjuma Goje of
Gombe State, Sule Lamido of Jigawa State, Babangida Aliyu of Niger
State, representing North East, North West and North Central
geo-political zones. Also expected were former senate president,
Iyorchia Ayu; former PDP national chairman, Audu Ogbeh; former
Inspector General of Police, Mohammed Yusuf and Ahmed Kurfi, from
Bauchi State.

They were appointed into the
committee by the Forum in the middle of last month to search for a
consensus candidate to run in the primaries.

Sources however revealed that the
meeting, scheduled to hold at the prestigious Transcorp Hotel, was put
off because of an urgent need by the committee members to tour the 19
northern states to sell the idea to the members of the PDP in the
region.

It was further gathered that the
need for the tour arose in order to rubbish whatever gains were made by
the campaign outfit of Mr Jonathan and his deputy, Namadi Sambo. The
Jonathan campaign outfit led by its director general, Dalhatu Tafida
had visited the north-west zone and was in north central zone when the
committee decided to embark on its own tour.

Some northern members of the PDP
had argued that it was wrong for the president to join the race since
there was an agreement reached by the party, some years ago, that
presidential power should rotate between the north and the south.

The group also argued that with
the death of former President Umaru Yar’Adua in office last May,
another northerner should emerge in 2011 after Mr Jonathan (Yar’Adua’s
deputy) might have completed the tenure began by the last president.

However, Mr Obasanjo and some
other members of the party are insisting that any Nigerian has a right
to contest the presidential election, irrespective of the region their
region.

In their determination to keep
power in the north, the northern forum initiated a meeting with the
quartet of Babangida, Abubakar, Gusau and Saraki as well as their
aides, on September 18, during which they resolved to present a common
candidate for the presidential election. They also resolved to set up
an eight-member team to deliberate on the matter.

Those at the meeting were Raymond
Dokpesi from Ibrahim Babangida Campaign Organisation; Chris Mammah of
Atiku Abubakar Campaign Organisation; Ben Obi of Aliyu Gusau Campaign
Organisation and Ibrahim Yakubu Lame, then of Bukola Saraki Campaign
Organisation.

Although, the committee membership
was expanded to 12, that appears to be the last time it reached a
consensus on any matter, prompting speculations that the single
candidate plan might fail. Before last week’s meeting was shelved, the
committee members, who were christened in “the 12 wise men” had met
several times without achieving the aim for which they were appointed.

Though both the aspirants and
their supporters have variously claimed that they will respect the
wishes of the committee, their utterances and actions so far have
suggested the contrary, thereby endangering their assignment. In the
course of the pre-primaries campaign, each of the four aspirants have
flaunted their credentials, sometimes in utter embarrassment to the
others.

For instance, Mr Abubakar has
severally claimed that of the lot, he has the best democratic
credentials, having been in politics for so many years and vice
president of the country for eight years under a civilian dispensation.
This is perceived as an indirect attack on Mr Babangida and Gusau, both
of whom are retired military generals.

On his part, Mr Saraki has been hammering on the issue of generational change.

Only last week, the 48-year-old
governor reportedly told presidential hopefuls born before the nation’s
independence in 1960 to withdraw from the race. Again, this was
interpreted as ‘missiles’ fired at Messrs Babangida, Abubakar and
Gusau, all of whom are in their late 60s.

People deceiving people

Mr Babangida has also not been
averse to flaunting his experience in government. He said having run
the country for eight years, he is best positioned to be the consensus
candidate. Yet, Mr Gusau would claim that his experience in the
security circles puts him ahead of others.

If anything, these utterances and
actions, which suggest desperation, have tended to frustrate the plan
of the 12-member committee.

At a recent all-night meeting, Mr
Ciroma was said to have expressed concern over the success of the
committee if its members continued to canvass support for their
principals. Source said he expressed frustration when the committee
could not take a vote he called on the matter.

Besides, there appears to be a
lack of commitment on the part of members of the committee to the
cause. For instance, some members regularly shun meetings, often
without any explanation. Despite being invited several times, Messrs
Lamido, Babangida Aliyu and Goje have continued to boycott the
meetings, causing the committee to postpone its meeting.

Also disturbing is Mr Ayu’s entry
into the presidential race. The former senate president, from Benue
State, is said to have shocked his fellow committee members when he
announced his intention to contest the presidency two weeks ago.

Furthemore, the northern
presidential aspirants were jolted when a new entrant into the race,
Sani Aminu, distanced himself from the quest. Mr Aminu, who hails from
Katsina, told journalists, he would only concede to consensus
arrangement at the level of the party.

“I am yet to get in touch with the
Northern Political Leaders Forum. I am not part of them,” he said. “But
if there is any consensus within the parameters of PDP, we would
welcome it. PDP is PDP, we aren’t talking of North or South.”
Expectedly, Mr Jonathan’s camp has cashed in on this apparent confusion
to raise its stake. The Goodluck/Sambo Campaign Organsation says the
gang up against the president would fail because it is not based on any
programme.

“The consensus arrangement being
pursued is based on sheer opportunism and driven by an undemocratic and
illiberal spirit,” Sully Abu, spokesman of the organization, said.
“That is why they have continued to be at pains to explain that they
are at work, irrevocably committed to the success of the arrangement.

They have continued feverishly with their individual campaigns while
they continue to protest their commitment to subsume their individual,
galloping ambitions. Who is deceived?”

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Jonathan’s aides woo lawmakers on ‘dead’ electoral bill

Jonathan’s aides woo lawmakers on ‘dead’ electoral bill

Following the defeat of an attempt
to alter the 2010 Electoral Act in a manner that will allow political
appointees regain their eligibility as voting delegates at the
conventions of political parties, presidency aides appear set to launch
a new tactics to woo lawmakers into re-introducing the “dead” bill.

Sources say the senate’s decision
to kill that aspect of the electoral law was received as a rude shock
by the president and his campaign team.

However, president Jonathan’s
campaign organisation has decided to start a fresh attempt to lobby the
lawmakers to re-introduce the bill.

Even though the standing rules of
both chambers of the national assembly prohibit the re-introduction of
a bill that has been rejected, Sully Abu, head of publicity for the
Goodluck Campaign Organization told NEXT they will stand their ground.

“We haven’t given up. We will go
back and negotiate and ask questions,” Mr. Abu said. “There is not
absolute victory or defeat. There is no monopoly of wisdom either in
the presidency or the national assembly. We hope that we will have a
meeting of the mind with the senate to see sense on the matter.”
Analysts, however,

believe that judging from the
unity predicated on common interest displayed by the senate in arriving
at their decision on Wednesday; the Jonathan campaign team might find
it extremely difficult to re introduce the bill.

Last Wednesday, the senate acted
in a largely unified manner to shut down Mr Jonathan’s attempt to
reshape the 2010 Electoral Act. Their action was devoid of the usual
political or ethnic sentiments that usually colour similar debates.

“It was obvious their actions were premeditated,” Fred Idowu, an independent political analyst said.

“They were determined to “kill the
bill” and perhaps send a message to the presidency. The senators were
convinced the bill is toxic to the current electoral act and self
serving – to the president – judging from the changes the bill proposed
to bring.” The bill proposed three major amendments to the current 2010
electoral act. It sought to give the leadership of Independent National
Electoral Commission (INEC) the power to determine the sequence in
which elections are held; it also wanted political parties to adopt the
system of indirect primaries – the type of primaries usually adopted by
PDP – for the choice of its candidates.

What the amendment meant to do is
to allow political parties to change at will the rules governing
procedures for primaries by issuing new guidelines, rather than relying
on the provisions of the current 2010 Electoral Act.

The bill proposed that Section
87(8) of the Electoral Act 2010 should be deleted. That section
provides that no political appointee at any level shall be a voting
delegate at the convention or congress of any political party for the
purpose of nomination of candidates for any elections.

Section 87(8) is viewed as
revolutionary because it prevents the president and governors from
flooding political party congresses with ministers, special advisers,
commissioners and other political appointees who would vote to choose
their boss or the candidate of their boss’ choice.

While the civil society and the
opposition – both within and outside the PDP – described the action of
the senate as patriotic, Mr. Abu said the setback at the senate has
sharpened their resolve to move on stronger.

Loyal appointees

The President’s campaign team
greatly rely on the votes of the various political appointees serving
in this administration to push their principal through in the primaries
of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP).

Before President Jonathan made up his mind to run for the presidency in the forthcoming elections,

there were 1027 splinter campaign organizations sponsored by political appointees within the government.

During the presidential
declaration which took place mid September, an official at the
presidential villa said that the level of sponsorship the president
received from his appointees was up to 95 per cent.

Attendees at the declaration were
also seen clad in uniformed dresses bearing their support for the
president and which political appointee was sponsoring them.

NEXT also gathered that the
lawmakers, in the closed meetings, had considered this impassioned
support from his staff before arriving at the decision not to allow
voting by personal aides; bearing in mind it will give the president an
unfair edge over the other contestants.

Goodluck Campaign Organization, however, disagrees with that all appointees are rooting for the president.

“The fact that they are appointees does not make it compulsory that
they will vote for the president. After all, you will not have a gun to
their heads that they must vote for him,” Mr. Abu argued. “These are
people that were carefully chosen across various areas of the country,
so they represent the different sections of the country so they have
legitimate political interest and representation.”

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Court grants Okah right to review evidence against him

Court grants Okah right to review evidence against him

The South African Police Services
(SAPS) must make available copies of the hard drive of computers and
cell phone memories seized from suspected terrorist Henry Okah to his
lawyers “no longer than three working days” after Friday’s sitting.

The order came from presiding
magistrate Henry Louw as he considered an affidavit filed by Mr Okah
requesting for the records, as well as telephone numbers and the
identity of those whom the prosecution claims Mr Okah gave instructions
to over the bombing.

Mr Okah’s affidavit, as read by
his lawyer Rudi Krause, also requested the warrants issued towards the
search of his house and subsequent arrest.

Prosecution lawyer, Shaun
Abrahams, in his opening arguments, said “the state will make
concessions,” but would not allow Okah to “peep over the shoulder of
the investigating authorities.” He insisted that due to the
“connections” Mr. Okah had, “if we accede to all of his requests, we
strongly believe that he will interfere with the investigation. The
applicant is wanting to know step by step how Colonel Zeeman and his
team are investigating. He does not want Ben Ebere to be found,” Mr,
Abrahams said.

But Mr Okah’s lawyer, Rudi Krause
said his client’s phone records had been reviewed by his legal team and
“there’s nobody he had phoned so many times,” in reference to 1126
calls which the prosecution stated was made by Mr. Okah to Ben Ebere
between 7 August and 29 September 2010.

He said evidence against Mr. Okah
did not exist and asked: “is the state serious when they say the
applicant is not entitled to know who his co-conspirators are? And how
on earth can that jeopardise the investigations?”

Judge Louw subsequently accepted
the prosecution’s willingness to furnish Mr. Okah’s lawyers with copies
of his telephone call records and computer hard-drive as well as the
affidavits. He, however, ruled that the prosecution would only be
obliged to produce further evidence when the case moved on from a bail
application to the trial proper.

The Cybercrime Unit of SAPS is
willing to provide the records to Mr. Okah’s lawyers, so long as they
have a 2 terabyte memory stick on which to store the information,
according to Mr. Abrahams.

This points at more legal fireworks when the court resumes on November 4 to continue hearing on Mr. Okah’s bail application.

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