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Last month, Egyptians approved a
referendum on constitutional amendments that will pave the way for free
elections. The vote was a milestone in Egypt’s emerging democracy after
a revolution that swept away decades of authoritarian rule. But it also
highlighted an issue that Egyptians will grapple with as they
consolidate their democracy: the role of religion in political life.

The vote was preceded by the widespread
use of religious slogans by supporters and opponents of the amendments,
a debate over the place of religion in Egypt’s future Constitution and
a resurgence in political activity by Islamist groups. Egypt is a
deeply religious society, and it is inevitable that Islam will have a
place in our democratic political order. This, however, should not be a
cause for alarm for Egyptians, or for the West.

Egypt’s religious tradition is anchored
in a moderate, tolerant view of Islam. We believe that Islamic law
guarantees freedom of conscience and expression (within the bounds of
common decency) and equal rights for women. And as head of Egypt’s
agency of Islamic jurisprudence, I can assure you that the religious
establishment is committed to the belief that government must be based
on popular sovereignty.

While religion cannot be completely
separated from politics, we can ensure that it is not abused for
political gain. Much of the debate around the referendum focused on
Article 2 of the Constitution – which, in 1971, established Islam as
the religion of the state and, a few years later, the principles of
Islamic law as the basis of legislation – even though the article was
not up for a vote. But many religious groups feared that if the
referendum failed, Egypt would eventually end up with an entirely new
constitution with no such article.

On the other side, secularists feared
that Article 2, if left unchanged, could become the foundation for an
Islamist state that discriminates against Coptic Christians and other
religious minorities.

But acknowledgment of a nation’s
religious heritage is an issue of national identity, and need not
interfere with the civil nature of its political processes. There is no
contradiction between Article 2 and Article 7 of Egypt’s interim
Constitution, which guarantees equal citizenship before the law
regardless of religion, race or creed. After all, Denmark, England and
Norway have state churches, and Islam is the national religion of
politically secular countries like Tunisia and Jordan. The rights of
Egypt’s Christians to absolute equality, including their right to seek
election to the presidency, is sacrosanct.

Similarly, long-suppressed Islamist
groups can no longer be excluded from political life. All Egyptians
have the right to participate in the creation of a new Egypt, provided
that they respect the basic tenets of religious freedom and the
equality of all citizens. To protect our democracy, we must be vigilant
against any party whose platform or political rhetoric threatens to
incite sectarianism, a prohibition that is enshrined in law and in the
Constitution.

Islamists must understand that, in a
country with such diverse movements as the Muslim Brotherhood; the
Wasat party, which offers a progressive interpretation of Islam; and
the conservative Salafi movements, no one group speaks for Islam.

At the same time, we should not be
afraid that such groups in politics will do away with our newfound
freedoms. Indeed, democracy will put Islamist movements to the test;
they must now put forward programs and a political message that appeal
to the Egyptian mainstream. Any drift toward radicalism will not only
run contrary to the law, but will also guarantee their political
marginalization.

Having overthrown the heavy hand of
authoritarianism, Egyptians will not accept its return under the guise
of religion. Islam will have a place in Egypt’s democracy. But it will
be as a pillar of freedom and tolerance, never as a means of oppression.

(Ali Gomaa is the grand mufti of Egypt.)