Archive for nigeriang

Banks woo shareholders on recapitalization

Banks woo shareholders on recapitalization

The eight rescued
banks have started reaching out to its minority shareholders to support
the recapitalisaiton plans of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN).

The board and
management of Finbank met with various shareholders groups in Lagos
yesterday to forge a common ground. In the last few weeks, similar
meetings were held by Intercontinental Bank and Oceanic Bank. The bank
promised shareholders that they would have the final say on those that
would be approved as new investors in the banks.

Suzanne Iroche,
Group Managing Director and Chief Executive of Finbank, said there was
need to recapitalise the bank as quickly as possible. “If CBN takes
away the forbearances without adequate capital and liquidity,
immediately, we are failed institutions and we can’t afford that,” she
said. “An institution that operates negative capital is an institution
which loses value over time.”

State of the banks

She added that the
bank cannot continue to operate with negative capital as 88 per cent of
its loans are currently not performing. “We have taken deposits and
shareholders fund up to N88 billion which is yielding nothing for us
but that is costing us money,” she said. “We have to resolve this as
quickly as possible.” Mrs Iroche also explained that the bank’s toxic
assets is about N156 billion, while insider related loans totals about
N25 billion, out of which only N2.7 billion has been repaid since
August. She subsequently expressed the need to support the
recapitalisation plans of the Central Bank so that the institutions can
get new lease of life.

Shareholders who
spoke said the intervention by the CBN was timely as it saved the banks
from the brink. The Chairman of Onitsha Zone Shareholders’ Association,
Goodluck Akpore, said the intervention by the CBN is what has kept the
banks afloat. “What CBN has done is to save my investment and that is
why we pray for Lamido Sanusi,” he said.

Minority interest

Nona Awoh, another
shareholder, said the banks should make sure that the interest of
minority shareholders are taken into consideration. Mr Awoh said beyond
taking equity positions, the incoming investors must be made to make
long term commitments to the banks. “The new core investors should take
long term positions by also taking debenture,” he said. “It is
important for the board to reach an arrangement that would be in the
interest of the bank.”

Emmanuel Ikwe, the Chairman of Coordinating Committee of Zonal
Shareholders Association, said the shareholders would resist any
underhand negotiation that would hand over the banks to persons of
questionable character. “If you want us to support you, we need to know
those who are going to be the core investors,” he said. “You have to
find out as a board the credibility of these people. CBN has taken a
decision that is good.” Sunny Nwosu, the National Coordinator,
Independent Shareholders Association of Nigeria, however said only the
initial shareholders have a right to determine those that will
recapitalise the banks. “The Central Bank said it has guaranteed
depositors. So we say give our banks to us since you have guaranteed
depositors let us recapitalise it because we are risk bearers,” he
said, adding that the way the CBN was going about the recapitalisation
plans was in the manner of taking institutions away from those who have
toiled to build them over the years.

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Police remand two over threat to Otedola

Police remand two over threat to Otedola

Two suspects have
been remanded in police custody over a possible assassination attempt
on the chairman of African Petroleum (AP), Femi Otedola. On the 25th of
July, Mr. Otedola, two directors and four members of his security
detail, were trapped on the first floor of the executive elevator of
the AP Plaza located in Lagos Island for two hours, prompting an
investigation by the Nigeria Police Force.

The men, Celestine
Omonobi and Moses Oluremi, were the elevator operators in the building
at the time. Both men deny any wrongdoing and police say there may be
further arrests as investigations continue. At the time, the
businessman and son of a former Lagos State governor, was on his way to
attend an emergency meeting of the AP board. NEXT investigations
revealed that Mr. Otedola was so highly discomfited by the incident,
that he required first aid services.

Briefing
journalists at the police headquarters yesterday, Deputy Inspector
General (DIG) John Hamza Amodu, said police are looking into a possible
assassination attempt on the businessman. “If not for the intervention
that was timely, the incident would have been tragic,” he said.

Foul Play

According to the
police, Mr. Otedola was ushered into an empty elevator with his team
which included two AP directors, Segun Senbanjo and Chris Adeyemi, and
four bodyguards. However, soon after the men entered, the elevator
stalled, trapping them inside for over two hours. An investigation
conducted by three elevator engineers discovered that the lift’s safety
control switch was pressed down. Once the switchboard was properly
placed, the executive elevator, which was installed by OTIS in 2009,
started working again.

Conflicting claim on load

The maintenance
unit of the plaza said the lift may have been overloaded. However, the
engineers disputed these claims, saying the mechanism would have
alerted the passengers and the doors would not have closed. Further
investigations by NEXT showed that the elevator was on a 625 KVA
generator at the time, and so could not have been affected by
electricity fluctuations. “It was obvious that the elevator was
tampered with,” said Mr. Amodu, “This led the Lagos State Police
Command to suspect foul play, bearing in mind the crucial decisions to
be taken at the meeting.”

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Infighting in Ondo opposition parties

Infighting in Ondo opposition parties

Scores of members
of the Ondo State chapter of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN),
yesterday, protested what they termed the ‘marginalisation’ of some
members by the chairman of the party, Sola Iji.

The
placards-carrying members almost disrupted the meeting of the state
executive council held in Akure, if not for the timely intervention of
security operatives.

The politicians,
who came in two 18-seater buses, invaded the party secretariat located
along the popular Oyemekun Road, Akure, and insisted that the meeting
would not hold as scheduled unless they were part of it.

The protesters, who
were led by the chairmen of Ondo east and west local government
chapters, Temitope Akintunde and Adebayo Ayodeji, vowed that they would
not allow the crisis that led to the death of the defunct Action
Congress (AC) in the state to swallow the newly established ACN.

“We, aggrieved
members of the party, wrote a letter to the chairman around 2008 and
said the executive of the party in Ondo west and east local governments
had been dissolved. Since then, he said they have not been attending
the state executive council meeting until the Mrs Jumoke Anifowose-led
reconciliatory committee directed that all suspensions, caretaker
committees, and factional offices should be dissolved.”

Sequel to the
directive, he said he came with the secretary of his party at the local
level to attend the state executive council meeting and was prevented
by suspected thugs posted to the party secretariat.

Mr Akintunde later
said his group would leave the venue of the meeting because some
leaders of the party had persuaded them to leave. The quick arrival of
the combined team of the men of State Security Service and regular
policemen also prevented the crisis from degenerating.

All attempts to reach the chairman for comments failed as all his mobile lines were switched off.

However, the
publicity secretary of the party, Rotimi Agbede, said the executive
council of the party would come out with a position on the grievances
of the members.

Aggrieved Labour supporters

In another
development, hundreds of aggrieved members of the Labour Party from
Ilaje area of the state yesterday protested the alleged hoarding of
forms for nomination of delegates towards the congress of the party,
scheduled to hold next month.

The protesters, who
barricaded the secretariat of the party in Akure, carried placards of
various inscriptions, such as ‘LP is not a personal party’; ‘Where are
nomination forms’; ‘Absence of Internal Democracy killed Parties’; to
register their displeasure.

They specifically
alleged that the state commissioner for environment, Omolebi Adepiti,
the newly elected house of assembly member, Kunle Odidi, and one Imisi
Ogungbure, a commissioner in the Teaching Service Commission (TESCOM),
hijacked the nomination forms for the constituency.

This, they said, was done in order to influence the delegates list for their selfish ambition.

But the party’s
director of publicity, Seyi James, defended those accused by the
protesters, saying, “nobody is hoarding the forms.”

Mr James, who noted
that the party would send more forms as soon as it is available, said
the party was aware of the shortage of the forms.

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Oyo lawmaker abandons group

Oyo lawmaker abandons group

One of the recently
reinstated members of the Oyo State House of Assembly, Nafiu Baale, has
dissociated himself from the actions of his group and expressed a
desire to work with the leadership of the assembly.

Mr Baale, in a
letter addressed to the office of the speaker on Thursday, said he will
not participate in any further actions by those with whom he was
suspended on June 8.

Meanwhile, the
speaker, Olawale Atilola, has threatened to sanction the remaining
eight members if they miss the next plenary on Tuesday.

Speaking on the
floor of the house yesterday, Mr. Atilola said three of the reinstated
lawmakers were sighted in their offices before the sitting but they
deliberately refused to attend the plenary. He however did not specify
what sanction he will employ.

The eight members,
together with Mr Baale, were suspended by the House over a failed
attempt to remove the speaker on June 8. The development also led to
the assault on some of them by political thugs. However,

reprieve came their
way last week when an Oyo State high court, sitting in Ibadan, declared
their suspension null and void, and ordered their immediate
reinstatement.

Since the court’s
pronouncement, the lawmakers have not been able to join their
colleagues for business despite many promises to do so.

Shifting posts

Initially, they
alleged that they could not come to the floor of the house because of
their inability to get copies of the judgment that reinstated them.
They added another twist on Wednesday when they alleged that there were
threats to their lives.

Ademola Adejumobi,
the de facto leader of the group, told journalists that the speaker
called them on phone to warn them against coming to resume as earlier
planned, saying their safety could not be guaranteed. The speaker has
since denied this.

Speaking with journalists yesterday, Mr Adejumobi said the
reinstated lawmakers would, hopefully, join their colleagues next week
after all necessary arrangement on their safety have been put in place.

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‘PDP is the party to beat in Kano’

‘PDP is the party to beat in Kano’

His decision to dump ANPP

As a member of a
minority party in the National Assembly, one of the major problems we
have is that it is difficult to get leadership positions of key
committees that can be useful to our people.

For example, the
chairman of the committee on Agriculture is from Gombe State; and also,
the chairman of the committee on water resources is a senator from the
south-south. These are committees that are really very important to the
growth of Kano State.

Now, you would
realise that as a politician, if you agree that the essence of coming
into politics is to uplift the standards of living of your own people,
there is no need clinging on to the opposition party. That is why I
felt I should move out of the ANPP to achieve the objective.

A second reason is
that there is no internal democracy in the ANPP. Right now, the ANPP
has already made up its mind on who is going to be their governorship
candidate here in Kano in 2011. This is surprising because internal
democracy is one of the things that is responsible for the development
of democracy in its entirety. But when you impose candidates on them,
you would definitely face all kinds of difficulties.

In Kano, when you
look at the ANPP and the PDP, you discover that nobody has come out of
the PDP to tell anybody to stop campaigning for any seat. This is
against what we are witnessing today in the ANPP in Kano. These are
some of the things that motivated me to move from the ANPP to the PDP.

His governorship ambition

Up till now, even
in the ANPP, there are people who are still hopeful of emerging the
candidate of the ANPP. I do know that Kabiru Gaya is in the race. Like
I told you, it is not easy to defeat somebody who is an incumbent
governor. But you cannot say that the essence of moving to a political
party is purely because of a particular ambition; it is extremely
difficult to do that.

Like I said earlier
on, it is easier to develop your state when your state has a similar
political platform with that of the federal government. From my
experience, it has not been easy attracting federal projects to Kano as
a member of the opposition. So, it is not about governorship of Kano
because I don’t see it as a do or die affair. This thought is
inconsequential to the calculations that I am making.

His refusal to join others in CPC

All of us know that
Buhari is a very strong person, and he was very influential to the
formation of the ANPP administration in Kano in 2003. We all know that
he worked hard to achieve that feat. But the ANPP kept losing grips in
almost all the states. I have tried to identify the problem, but I have
not been able to put my finger on any reason. As part of the solution,
Buhari pulled out of the ANPP to form a political party. But you see it
is not easy to form a political party within two years and win the
elections, particularly in an area where majority of the people are not
educated.

I remember during
the PRP time, when people come to vote, all they ask you is that where
is the sign of the key; they don’t even know anything about the PRP.
The problem now is that out of the 56 political parties in the country,
how easy is it going to be for the people here to identify the symbol
of the CPC and get acquainted with it within the next 6 months? It is
not going to be an easy affair.

Don’t forget that
most of the people in the CPC were those who left the ANPP. What has
happened in essence is that they have already weakened the ANPP. So,
the moment they weakened the ANPP, they succeeded in strengthening the
position of the PDP in Kano. The Action Congress (AC) is back to the
PDP. If you make a simple mental calculation, you would observe that
the PDP has won the elections, even before the elections are conducted.

So, it is not an
issue of being sentimental or emotional about Buhari. There is nobody
that would be greater than Buhari in this country because he is a just,
fair and honest person. But politics is an entirely different ball game
because I want a platform that can enable me serve my people. I would
also want to be called the Buhari of Kano.

If Muhammed Bello
is moving from one political party to the other, it is for the sake of
the people. I am concerned about my people and I want to be responsive
to their needs. The issue is not about the person, but about the
political will.

Fear of Nigeria becoming one party state

It is really
difficult to have a one party state unless all the states are
controlled by one political party, which is not possible in Nigeria. If
you look at the trend going on in the south west and the south east,
you would realise that there is no way Nigeria is going to be under one
political party. If you take a look at the north west, Kano is the only
state that is not a PDP state. But the PDP had lost some states in the
south-east at the last poll. So, it is not going to be easy to have a
one party state in Nigeria.

Influence of the Kwankwasiya group within PDP

There is a lot of
fear about Kwankwaso and the Kwankwasiya group, but when you look at it
in practical terms, the issue is that was there an election to choose
the members of the executives of the party? Everybody saw that members
of the party’s executive contested election and the Farouk Iya led exco
won. So where is the fear of dictatorship? I cannot see that. It is
just speculations.

When you are
talking about the overbearing influence of Kwankwaso being the reason
for the failure of the PDP, I don’t agree with such views. There is no
single individual that can be responsible for the success of a party at
the polls. What is happening within the party now is an in-house
fighting over control of the party machinery.

His relationship to
the Kwankwaso, who lost power seven years ago, has worked hard to be
able to sustain people in the PDP. What is even surprising me is not
the top level; I have discovered that almost about 80 percent of the
entire state, including virtually all the wards, identify with
Kwankwaso. What you call Kwankwaso structure is a PDP structure. If
members of the exco identify with Kwankwaso, it is because he has
worked hard enough for them to be there and you cannot deny them that.

I recall that when
we wanted to vie for elective positions in 2007, people who identified
with Buhari had his posters pasted all over the state. But immediately
Shekarau became the governor, nobody was using Buhari’s pictures again.
Instead they were using Shekarau’s pictures.

His relevance to the people

If you look at the
trend of my activities as a politician, right from when I was chairman
of the ANPP in Kano, what bothers me on a daily basis is how I can use
my office to assist people.

As a senator, I have been able to assist about 25,000 people in Kano
with eye problems. I have been able to provide glasses for those of
them in need of this intervention. I know people who have lost their
eyesight simply because they could not afford N15, 000. And these are
the kind of things that prick my conscience and make me go out to look
for power.

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Senator wants standard landfills in Abuja

Senator wants standard landfills in Abuja

The senate
committee chairman on environment, Grace Bent, has called for the
establishment of standard landfills and waste management sites in Abuja.

She made the call
on Thursday when she took an oversight tour of the various dump sites
scattered along the suburbs bothering Abuja city and Nasarawa state.

The senator decried
the poor management of the dump sites which were mostly located within
settlements – some on street roads – with the permission of the Abuja
Environmental Protection Board (AEPD).

“I think the level
which we are in this country now we need a proper landfill,” Mrs Bent
said. “I think we have a serious problem here, without them.” Most of
the dump sites located in open areas relied heavily on scavengers to
dispose the waste and had no fencing. They neither had incinerators nor
any form of solid waste treatment cells.

Places visited
during the tour included Karu, Nyanya and Jikoyi. “I am worried the
city is dangerously polluted and you can understand the dilemma of
people living in these areas. They are human beings but they are
totally neglected. This is a national embarrassment,” she said.

Trading blames

Officials of the
board however blamed the absence of a proper waste management plant and
standard landfill for the city on their inability to develop an
environmental impact assessment plan for them. The officials further
complained that it was too difficult to get approvals from the Federal
Ministry of Environment.

Oludayo Dada, the
director of pollution control in the environment ministry, however,
contradicted their claims, saying the processes in the ministry was
easy.

Mr. Dada explained
that the ministry had collaborated with other state governments to
establish such landfills and the process was available.

“We have done similar things with in Aba (with Abia State), Enugu, and Onitsha.” Mr. Dada said.

Notwithstanding
that, Tony Epediyi, a deputy director of AEPD, insisted that the “it
takes time to establish a landfill.” The board officials however
admitted approving the establishment of a dump site within settlements
in the suburbs but maintained that Mr. Dada, the representative of the
environment ministry, was making a political statement when he said the
process of establishing a landfill was easy.

Too much grammar

“You people are
just blowing too much grammar on this issue,” the senator said. “What
we are talking about is reality. If the federal capital territory is
like this, what will become of other states?” She said she was
dissatisfied with the performance of the city’s waste managers and
ordered that all dump sites located within municipalities in the
Federal Capital Territory (FCT) be relocated to outside town.

The senator,
thereafter, summoned the Minister of FCT and every other administrator
involved in waste management in the city for a meeting to discuss the
establishment of a landfill and proper waste management method for the
city.

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Human rights group wins Fawehinmi prize

Human rights group wins Fawehinmi prize

The Nigerian Bar
Association has awarded its first Gani Fawehinmi Prize for Human Rights
and Social Justice to an advocacy group, Access to Justice, for its
work in defending the rights of marginalised people and addressing
critical problems in the Nigeria justice system.

In a statement
announcing the award, the Bar said Access to Justice’s efforts were
evident through its legislative reform work which “confront the chronic
and widespread abuses of human rights in Nigeria.”

“AJ has represented
indigent persons who have been unjustly imprisoned, tortured,
brutalised or otherwise oppressed, and provided services to families
whose relatives have been extrajudicially murdered.

“The list includes
releasing persons who were in prolonged under-trial detention for 13
years… and bringing an international litigation against Nigeria for
its horrific record of abusive policing,” the statement read.

It also mentioned
the organisation’s “extensive advocacy” leading to the passage of the
new coroner laws in Lagos and Cross River State in 2007, which now
enable families of victims of extralegal executions establish truths
concerning those killings.

The NBA also said
its judgment enforcement work has ensured court orders and judgments
and awards of compensation for human rights violations are complied
with and respected.

“AJ and the NBA
have collected information of the financial/liquid assets of many
public agencies to make available to lawyers who want to enforce,
(through garnishee proceedings), judgments obtained against these
public agencies,” the statement said.

Access to Justice’s
executive director, Joseph Otteh, said “we were very surprised by the
award”, citing several other people and organisations “doing
extraordinary work” worthy of the award.

Defending the voiceless

AJ’s priority “has
never been to capture the spotlight at any cost but to defend the rule
of law, strengthen the safeguards against torture and extrajudicial
killings, and ensure the courts understand Nigeria’s problems and play
a major role in ameliorating them,” he said.

He said the
organisation, which was founded in 1999, would strive to uphold the
values Gani Fawehinmi lived and stood for, by improving upon their
effectiveness, efficiency, and capacity to impact the lives of
“browbeaten” Nigerians subjected to daily indignities.

The NBA’s first
vice president and present chairman of the NBA Human Rights Institute
(HRI), Ikeazor Akaraiwe, said the Gani Fawehinmi Prize is aimed at
honouring and recognising “the path-breaking and inspirational work of
Gani Fawehinmi, Senior Advocate of the Masses.

“The prize will be
awarded annually on the decision of a prize panel to a person or
institution in Nigeria which has attained distinction through
consistent boldness, courage, independence, innovation, and risk taking
in the defence of the rule of law, upholding accountable government and
defending the rights of the voiceless,” Mr Aakaraiwe said.

Nominees for the
2010 Gani Fawehinmi Prize included Femi Falana, Asma’u Joda, Sadaatu
Mahdi, Tunji Gomez, Bukhari Bello, amongst others.

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EFCC to bar corrupt politicians from contesting

EFCC to bar corrupt politicians from contesting

Corrupt politicians
who plan to run for offices in the coming elections will be stopped by
Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), the anti-graft agency
said in Abuja yesterday.

Farida Waziri, the
chairman of the commission, stated this while receiving board members
of the Code of Conduct Bureau (CCB) at the EFCC headquarters. She said
that the anti-graft agency will prevent corrupt politicians from
contesting any public office in 2011. According to her, the anti-graft
agency would collaborate with the police, the State Security Service,
the Independent National Electoral Commission and the CCB to jointly
produce a security report on every candidate that shows interests in
the elections. “Based on their security reports, they will be stopped
at the right time,” she said. “There is no way that we will allow the
political parties to field corrupt people. Legally, we are empowered to
look into some of these issues.”

Mrs Waziri also
said that the EFCC will use ongoing investigations to prevent indicted
officials from running for office. “How do we allow these people to
come back and say that they are going to lead us? The world will laugh
at us,” she said. “We see that some of them are already printing
posters and I will see how they are going to work that out. We are not
going to allow that. We want to ensure that only the proper persons
will represent us.”

Past offenders to be tried

The Chairman of the
board of the CCB, Sam Saba, said that former ministers who failed to
properly declare their assets will be facing a tribunal soon. “Some
past ministers did not declare their assets,” he said. “Their names
have been compiled and we’ve sent the names to the Federal Ministry of
Justice because we have to get their approval before inviting them to
face the tribunal.” Mrs Waziri also noted that some corrupt persons,
who have intentions to loot public funds, deliberately declare more
assets than they have, and urged the CCB to properly investigate all
declared assets. “Some with intentions to steal put fake items in the
forms,” she said. “Some claim that they have houses in the US, UK.”

Responding, Mr Saba said that his team had settled down to work
adding that the CCB has already noted that most public officials,
especially the legislators, keep foreign accounts which they have not
declared to the bureau.

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Two films and a premiere

Two films and a premiere

Two movies,
‘Holding Hope’ and ‘Bursting Out’ were premiered on August 8 at the
Silverbird Cinemas, Victoria Island. The premieres recorded a large
attendance of Nollywood actors, actresses and film makers, who came out
to support the stars and producers of the movies.

‘Bursting Out’,
starring Genevieve Nnaji and Ghanaian actor Majid Michael, was produced
by Emem Isong and directed by Desmond Elliot and Daniel Ademinokan.
Nnaji, caught for a brief interview on the red-carpet, gave NEXT a hint
of what to expect from ‘Bursting Out’. “It is a lovely story with
romance and suspense, a beautiful love story. You will see me in the
same role I have often played – a woman looking for love.”

Uche Jombo
expressed similar sentiments for ‘Holding Hope’, which she jointly
produced with Isong and Elliot. “If I could cut my hair for one scene,
then that should tell you how powerful the story is. Hope (the
character she plays) has an inner strength that I admire. The movie is
about faith, hope and about how we cannot change the things we cannot
change.”

All Isong would
say was: “‘Bursting Out’ is a fun kind of movie, while ‘Holding Hope’
is an intense [film] about cancer. Just come in and watch, I’m sure you
will have a good time.”

Deja vu

However, the
movies, sadly, proved to be not much better than the mean ‘Iweka Road’
offerings. We have all seen ‘Bursting Out’ before; we have seen it in
every story where rich girl meets poor boy and has problems getting
convinced that his ghetto background is good enough for her. We saw it
more recently in ‘Silent Scandals’, by producer Vivian Ejike, which
also stars Nnaji and Majid together.

Much as one may
have tried to find something to recommend about the movie, one would be
hard pressed to find any. I’ll settle instead for the easy camaraderie
that was achieved between Zara (Nnaji), Ini (Omoni Oboli) and Tina (Nse
Nkpe Etim). It is in scenes with the three of them that one derives
some form of entertainment, as they satirise the Nigerian aso-ebi
practice, “Burgundy dresses, Prada bags, Jimmy Choos, Gold gele”; and
disparage Zara’s love interest Tyrone, a mail dispatcher, with lines
such as: “This is so cute, you perched behind him (on his motorcycle)
riding away to a honeymoon”, “if we knew he was buying, we could have
gotten a cheaper restaurant so that at least he could buy water.”

My complaints are
however many: the party scene was lacklustre, the audience knows that
is not what a classy Nigerian party looks like; the big screen was not
friendly to the movie, as some of the motion was blurry. As for the
sets – come on, that office of Zara’s was so domestic it could have
been a tabby cat; That ex-girlfriend did act quite well, but was she
relevant to the plot? And if so, why was Tyrone suddenly rid of her?
Finally, one might need someone to explain those black and white scenes
as they obviously were not flashbacks.

Excruciating

Ending with
Tyrone, striking it rich by getting admitted to a foreign football
club; and his proposing to Zara after scoring a goal in a match at a
Nigerian stadium, ‘Bursting Out’ could have been better. While,
however, ‘Bursting Out’ was un-original and uninspiring, ‘Holding Hope’
with its cancer theme was quite frankly excruciating (and not just for
its terminal cancer sufferers). By the time the movie was halfway, the
cinema hall had been cleared of half of the viewers who had struggled
to get in.

Holding Hope tells
the story of Olumide (Desmond Elliot), a rich irresponsible
spendthrift, who though set to inherit a thriving business from his
mother, does not possess the acumen to keep it so. His mother
recognising his limitations, brings Hope (a lady we guess she met
through her cancer support society) forward to manage the financial
affairs of the company. The mother does not hide her hopes that Olumide
and Hope will end up together. And she gets her wish after she declares
that she is dying of cancer.

We think Hope and
Olumide might sail to blissful matrimony or that in the course of the
movie, we will find that the marriage is a sham; but the movie denies
us such meaningful conclusions. It exasperates us instead with several
contradictions: Olumide’s girlfriend (Nadia Buari) apparently thinking
he married Hope to secure his inheritance, approaches him after his
mother’s burial, only to be told that he’s in love with his wife – a
wife whom he begins to mistreat immediately after his mother’s will
requires that there be no divorce between them.

So much does
Olumide abuse Hope that we see her as an epitome of the saint
stereotype. Emem herself had at a recent film forum described a
‘Nollywood saint’ as: a person who is continually maltreated by a
boyfriend or a husband but who fails to take any constructive action
regarding the problem. Hope bears for a full hour the many injustices
her husband deems to throw at her – verbal, physical and emotional; and
then moans tearfully, “I heard you, you said you loved me; you said the
sun and the moon slept at my feet”.

After a number of
scenes the audience begins to have a hard time making sense of the
movie – In one scene Hope is chocking on her own blood, in the next she
is drowning in a pool then is quickly rescued by her husband, who
incidentally, is again suddenly in love with her. Finally, one day she
declares, “I am dying, I have leukemia, by which time the audience
thinks: come on, not everyone involved in supporting cancer research
falls ill with the disease!

Perhaps the only
redeeming factor of the movie is that we are offered no religious
placebos, a road often easily taken in other Nigerian films. The
delivery of the actors can also not be faulted, especially Buari’s.

However, the sequence of scenes need to be re-examined before the
movie makes a cinema run. The length also is unnecessary, and the pace
too slow – especially after Hope’s diagnosis. Conclusion: A passable
home video (for those who enjoy a healthy dose of human misery); but
certainly not one worthy of the big screen.

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The myth of the Arab slaver

The myth of the Arab slaver

Slavery is an
emotive issue – and necessarily so too. Although it has been part of
every society since time immemorial, its late-modern manifestations
typified by the mass enslavement of millions of Africans on the
plantations of the Americas (the African Holocaust) is generally
regarded as the worst form of this strain of man’s inhumanity to his
fellow human.

Naturally,
discussions about slavery and its continued impact have been localised
more in the Americas than in Africa – after all, majority of the
descendants of this cruel dislocations are still located in these
climes. Plus, Africans had been too occupied with their fight for
freedom from colonialism and entrenching the benefits of their
independence to pay too much attention to this.

In the late 80s,
the late Moshood Abiola led a spirited campaign to redefine the terms
of slavery. This twisted the narrative from a search for meanings
behind the slave trade to one of confronting the beneficiaries of the
system. Reparation was top of the agenda – and it was being vigorously
pursued, to the discomfiture of some large corporations in the West,
especially in the United States. Of course there was always the tension
within the movement of who should benefit from this reparation if it
were ever to become a reality – the descendants of slaves still reeling
from its after-effects in the Americas or their kiths on the mother
continent who are, in several instances, materially worse off than they
are?

The fightback

Then the fightback
started. Part of the conspiracy theories surrounding Abiola’s inability
to assume the presidency he clearly won in 1993 was that some Western
agencies were not comfortable with a promoter of reparations assuming
the leadership of the world’s most population black nation. That is
probably fantastical.

But there is no
doubt that the slant of slavery scholarships took a sudden outwards
look in most campuses – with the US once again leading the charge.
Suddenly, attention is beamed on the roles played by the ‘others’ in
this sorry episode in the evolution of human society. Up for censure
were the African chiefs and their aides who sold away their people;
African kingdoms which were themselves slave keeping societies; and the
Arab slavers who equally took away large numbers of Africans to the
Arab peninsula and beyond.

No one could fault
the need for this. But it is apparent that the comparisons are not
quite the same. Take the age-long slavery customs in African societies.
This is little different from practices in other pre-modern societies
across the world and does not possess the calculated malevolency of the
modern one. In the Yoruba society, for instance, a number of received
idioms and proverbs would show that the practice was regulated to avoid
undue harshness to slaves. The system was also fluid, as a slave could
not only regain his/her freedom, but actually could become a leader of
the community.

It is not easy to
shrug off the complicity of African chiefs in the Western-run slavery
that ran from around the 15th century. Although some of them might be
little better than simple minds easily controlled to, at first get rid
of their enemies and criminals in their society for a little stash of
trashy materials, others were willing accomplices who actively sought
out people to sell – waging ruinous wars against their neighbours and
raiding their own subjects to feed the maw of the waiting, ever -hungry
ships. Some of them, such as the Jaja of Opobo, even fought western
government seeking to put a stop to the practice. Perhaps the best that
could be said to assuage this collective guilt is that the forces
acting upon the chiefs makes them little better than marionettes being
controlled by forces they neither understood nor could resist. For,
after all some chiefs less amenable to the trade were also rounded up
and added to the human cargo of the raiders.

Slavers from Arabia

The third leg of
these ‘others’ is the slavers from Arabia. These have received a lot of
attention lately from American scholars and some major African
intellectuals – including Nigeria’s Wole Soyinka, Chinweizu and Naiwu
Osahon.

Mekuria Bulcha
estimates that over 17 million Africans were sold to the Middle East
and Asia between the sixth and twentieth centuries. This would appear
to be even more than the estimated 13 million people transported to the
Americas in a massive dislocation dating from the 1400s. Little wonder
the author also stated that the difference between slavery perpetrated
by the West and those of the Arabs (now usually referred to as ‘Islamic
slavery’), is largely figurative.

Ronald Segal wrote
in Islam’s Black Slaves: The Other Diaspora, that the ‘islamic’ slave
trade began eight centuries before the Atlantic trade. He kindly
explained that this was motivated more by the need for domestic help –
including sex – and military service.

It quickly becomes
apparent that there is more to this than detached scholarship. For
instance, it beggars belief that more Africans were sold into Arabia
than those taken to the West, the timeframe notwithstanding. Two easy
factors would appear to support this. Take the mode of transportation
and the needs which the trade in slaves is organised to meet.

Logistics and economics

From around 1619
when a Dutch-run ship berthed at the Virginia colony at Jamestown with
20 enslaved Africans to 1865 when the Thirteenth Amendment to the U. S.
Constitution officially ended slavery in the US – a period of nearly
240 years – thousands of ships were deployed to move people to the new
world from Africa. Although Arab slavers also targeted ocean bounded
East Africa, they hardly possessed the technology or the means to move
humans on any particularly large scale. Even the more established trade
with Africa – which was in goods and minerals – was mostly carried out
on the back of camels across the forbidden wastes of the Sahara.
Dealing with the logistics of moving large numbers of people and
provisioning for their needs would seem to be beyond the ken of even
the most determined slaver, unless the profit makes this unavoidable.

This is not so. As
some of the promoters of the myth of ‘Islamic slavery’ themselves
agreed, slaves were not the engine behind Arab economies. Dry and
mostly uncultivable, Arab societies lack the equivalent of huge sugar
plantations where American slaves are forced to toil to the lash of a
whip. It is difficult to understand how the then equally backward Arab
society could digest the influx of millions of needy slaves.

Castrated development

Which also raises
the question: where are the people? The presence of millions of
Africans in the Americas is a lasting legacy of the Atlantic slave
trade. It is hard to find such large traces in Arabia. Scholars of
‘Islamic’ slavery have a ready answer: the men were castrated and the
women used as sex-chattels, such that over generations the offspring of
slaves – descended largely from the women – merged into general Arab
society. That must have involved a lot of castrations. Or it might be a
pointer to a truth that is difficult to accept for people trying to
shift the blame or spread the guilt – the level of slavery in Arabia is
too miniscule to shift attention from the industrial scale enslavement
perpetrated in the West. Not only are there no ghettos or prisons
holding African people in Arab society, there is no institutional
hindrance to the aspirations of descendants of slaves.

Of course there
are racist Arabs, such as Hanns Vischer who believed African “black”
skin made them a slave-race. But books such as ‘Tanwir al-Gabbash fi
fasl al al-Sudan wa al-Habash’ by Ibn al-Jahiz, and ‘Black and their
Superiority over Whites’ by Ibn al-Marzuban also affirmed the respect
that blacks enjoy in Arab society.

Scholars of
slavery should therefore stop chasing the red-herrings and concentrate
attention on the defining face of slavery in the modern area. That is
to be found mostly in the Americas.

‘The International
Colloquium on Slavery, Slave Trade and Their Consequences’ holds at the
Royal Park Hotel, Iloko-Ijesa, Osun State from August 23 to 26.

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