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HONEY STORY: Eight long weeks

HONEY STORY: Eight long weeks

The drama of a lifetime was abridged to fit into
Wayne Rooney’s last eight weeks. If the life of Manchester United’s
star striker were to be depicted in a movie for instance, those last
two months will form a major part.

After his dismal outing in South Africa, images
emerged on the internet of Mr Rooney smoking and urinating against a
wall outside a London night club. In the meantime, his poor form
continued for United where he only managed to score one goal all season
– and that from the penalty spot.

Fast forward two weeks and sultry stories of
Rooney’s dalliance with a prostitute when his wife was pregnant
emerges. But just when you thought that his bag of scandals was
exhausted, it emerged on Tuesday that he had asked to be transferred
after declining to sign a new contract. Manchester United manager, Alex
Ferguson looked heart-broken for the first time in a long coaching
career.

Then to the dizzying finale, all in the last 96
hours: a request to leave and speculation on his next destination:
thugs at his gate warning that he must not leave Manchester unless he
wants to die : and then Fridays sudden about-turn when it emerged that
he had signed a new five year contract with the Red Devils.

The amount involved has not been revealed but it
is rumoured that he will get between £120,000 and £150,000 a week. For
all that money, perhaps the drama that accompanied the greatest and
fastest turn-around in football history should have been expected.

And if you did not run out of breath while reading all the above,
then you must have enjoyed the saga of the Englishman known as the
‘White Ronaldo!’

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The fight for the north-west

The fight for the north-west

The North West
geo-political zone has suddenly become the beautiful bride courted by
all the presidential aspirants of the ruling People Democratic Party
(PDP).

At the last count,
five of the aspirants, Goodluck Jonathan, Ibrahim Babangida, Atiku
Abubakar, Bukola Saraki and Aliyu Gusau have either showed up in the
region or sent foot soldiers to do the ground work necessary for them
to achieve their desire.

One reason for the
special interest in the zone, which comprises Kano, Katsina, Jigawa,
Zamfara, Sokoto, Kaduna and Kebbi states, is that it boasts a huge
voting population and enough delegate votes to make or mar the chances
of any presidential candidate.

The zone, which
pride itself as the most politically astute part of the country, has
more delegates than any other geo-political zone; and in any election,
can muster an estimated 10 million votes. It is also the centre of
conservative north, home to the Sultan of Sokoto and leader of Muslims
in the country. Besides, it is the zone where late president Umaru
Yar’Adua hails from.

The feeling among
the local populace in the aforementioned states is still that of loss.
It is believed that for political expediency, aspirants, who are
conscious of the sensibility of the people, will rather concentrate
their energy in the zone than anywhere else. There is also the fear
that if all necessary ground work are not done by the PDP, the people
might, out of protest, vote en masse for Muhammadu Buhari in the event
that an aspirant from another zone picks the party’s presidential
ticket.

For strategic
reasons, the zone has produced five out of the country’s 14 Heads of
state and elected presidents; namely Murtala Mohammed, Shehu Shagari,
Muhammadu Buhari, Sani Abacha and Umaru Yar’Adua whose influence is
still been felt in the civil service, academia, military and
para-military establishments across the country.

All the states in
the zone, apart from the redoubtable Kano, are governed by the PDP. The
governor of Kano, Ibrahim Shekarau, belongs to the All Nigeria Peoples
Party (ANPP).

After the disputed
2003 presidential elections Mr. Buhari who enjoys large support in the
zone claimed he won the elections, leading to tension in the entire
region. The Emir of Kano, Ado Bayero had to lead a delegation of
influential traditional rulers to pay the then winner of the
presidential election, Olusegun Obasanjo, a solidarity visit in order
to douse tension in the zone.

Presidential
liaison officer to Mr Shagari in the second republic, Tanko Yakassai
said he believes the fact that the zone has a larger population than
any other zone in the country and the influence of the sultanate on
other northern zones were reasons enough for the zone to become the
most sought after by politicians.

“I think in my own
view, the reason why you see politicians concentrating in the
north-west is because we are in democracy which they said is game of
numbers,” he said. “We have the highest number of people. We have more
National Assembly members than any other zone, highest number of
delegates of any political party, not PDP alone.

“Another factor is
the influence of the Sokoto caliphate on the other zones in the north,
including the north central states of Kogi and Niger. If you go to the
north east, the caliphate also has its influence on Borno State, Yobe
and the rest. These and many more reasons are why all attention is on
the zone.” The national vice chairman of the PDP for the North-west,
Danladi Sankara agrees with his assertion. “I must confess that the
Northwest is the most sensitive geo -political zone in the country,” he
said. “The zone has produced brilliant politicians in the past and we
have the highest population and the highest numbers of PDP delegates.”
On whether the zone should produce the next president, Mr. Sankara said
the constitution which is supreme allows everyone to contest and as law
abiding citizens the people respect that.

“This zone does not
have a particular person that we are supporting now among the
aspirants, but whoever emerges the winner of the primaries I assure you
will enjoy the total support of this zone, and as you are aware that
this zone is a PDP dominated one,” Mr. Sankara said.

Pundits believe
that any politician worth his salt and who is keen for political power
will do himself a big favour by reaching out to the zone.

Mr. Babangida, who
was a military president for over seven years, has a retinue of retired
military chiefs and politicians that he once mentored in the region to
fall back on at this critical period of the electioneering process in
the zone.

In Kano, for
instance, the gap-toothed former general is either attending weddings
or burial ceremonies that enable him reach out to the people of the
zone. It is a known fact that he regularly sneaks into town to
strategise with his supporters on how to win back power.

Among Mr.
Babangida’s supporters in Kano are former minority leader of the House
of Representatives in the second republic, Junaid Mohammed and former
speaker of the House Representatives, Ghali Umar Na’abba.

Mr. Na’Abba, whose
support might have been prompted by the godfather of the PDP in Kano,
Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso said he believes Mr. Babangida is the most
experienced of all the aspirants.

“I don’t believe
that Babangida destroyed anything and I don’t believe that Babangida
introduced corruption in this country, he did not introduce
corruption,” Mr Na’Abba said. “When the late Murtala Mohammed became
Head of State, he promised to fight corruption. This means that during
the days of Gowon, there was corruption. When Chukwuma Nzeogwu and his
co-travellers overthrew the Balewa government, they said they were
going to fight corruption because they said Tafawa Balewa, Nnamdi
Azikiwe, Sardauna were all corrupt.”

Musa Danbirni, who
is head of media for Kano State IBB 2011 campaign, said Mr. Babangida
has done enough in the zone for the delegates to give him their votes
in block.

“Babangida is the
man to beat in this zone,” he said. “My advice for other aspirants is
to concentrate in other places where they think they are popular and
stop wasting their time and resources here. People will be surprised
why I’m saying so, but the truth remains that he done a lot for this
zone when he was the military president.” The former military president
has Zamfara State governor, Aliyu Muhammadu Shinkafi in his camp and
enjoys the support of the Jigawa State governor, Sule Lamido and a
tacit endorsement of former Kano State governor, Musa Kwankwaso.

Jonathan’s footprints

Supporters of
President Jonathan, who are conscious of the traditional support some
of his opponents enjoy in the zone, are not resting on their oars as
members of his campaign team, led by Dalhatu Tafida have traversed the
entire states of the North West several times.

Incidentally,
majority of the people in the campaign team of the president come from
the North West. Mr. Tafida is from Kaduna State; former minister of
Internal Affairs and national director, campaign and logistics, Saidu
Balarebe Sambawa, hails from Kebbi. The special assistant to the
President on political matters, Akilu Indabawa is from Kano.

Mr Jonathan, who is
billed to be in Kano on Tuesday, may have kick started his campaign
subtly in the zone. He has paid repeated visits to Sokoto, Kebbi and
Zamfara states, partly to meet with victims of the recent flood
disaster and for other official matters of state.

When the campaign team visited Kano last week, Mr. Sambawa assured the people that the president would sweep the polls.

He further said
that going by the appreciable reception members of his team received in
the five states within the North West geo-political zone, there is the
guarantee that Mr Jonathan would emerge winner of next year’s election.

“You see us
campaigning, we are not sitting because our president is an incumbent;
we are going to everywhere and talking to people we shouldn’t be
talking to get the votes. This is because he is a president who
believes in fairness, justice, ensuring adequate security for lives and
properties. The president was ready for the primaries before now,” Mr
Sambawa said.

The team also
attacked suggestions that the president does not possess the qualities
needed for governing a country such as Nigeria, saying Mr Jonathan is
exceptionally patient, has listening ear and has the aspiration of
Nigerians in mind.

“Here is somebody
who was a deputy governor, he was a governor, he was a vice president
and he is now the president. Can you give me any person who has gone
through this politically in this country? None,” Mr Sambawa said. “This
Goodluck/ Sambo ticket is one of the most educated ticket we have ever
had in this country. So, for anybody to make that type of comment, does
not seem to have respect for the office of the president.” Although it
was gathered that Mr Lamido avoided members of the campaign team, the
Jonathan team received the warmest of receptions accorded from Mr
Kwankwaso, who is himself angling to return to the Kano government
house next year.

The visit by the
Jonathan team came barely 24 hours after former vice president Atiku
Abubakar stormed Kano, Jigawa and Kaduna states. Although he could not
meet Mr Kwankwaso, Mr. Abubakar met with stakeholders of the party and
assured them that he would ensure that the PDP reclaims Kano from the
All Nigerian peoples party (ANPP) at the polls.

Atiku’s focus

The former vice
President met Kano PDP leaders in the residence of a former deputy
governor in the state, Abdullahi Umar Ganduje. “In 1998, I left Adamawa
and came to Kano to make Kwankwaso the governor of this state. I’m back
again to remake him the governor of this state, God willing, by 2011
and you all know that whatever I focus to achieve, I always do that no
matter the obstacle,” Mr. Abubakar said.

Mr Gusau has also
woven into his narrative, the impression that he is a son of the Zone.
His campaign handlers claim he should be the one to complete the
eight-years due the Zone following the inability of Mr Yar’Adua to
complete the job as a result of his death.

While other
aspirants have been working assiduously to garner support from this
zone, the campaign team of Mr. Gusau and Mr. Saraki have not been as
prominent in the zone. They are however believed to be working
underground for now. Mr. Gusau, for instance, has been holding meetings
with politicians across different political party platforms in the zone.

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North’s tortuous search for consensus candidate

North’s tortuous search for consensus candidate

Last Wednesday, a crucial meeting
of the 12-member committee appointed by the Northern Political Leaders
Forum (NPLF) to pick a consensus candidate among the Peoples Democratic
Party (PDP) aspirants from the northern part of the country, was
shelved at the last minute.

The parley was convened following
the failure by the committee, during a previous one, to agree on who,
among the former military president, Ibrahim Babangida; former vice
president, Atiku Abubakar; former national security adviser, Aliyu
Gusau and the incumbent governor of Kwara State, Bukola Saraki, should
challenge President Goodluck Jonathan, himself an aspirant, in the
forthcoming primaries of the PDP.

Members of the committee expected
at the meeting were Adamu Ciroma (chairman), governors Danjuma Goje of
Gombe State, Sule Lamido of Jigawa State, Babangida Aliyu of Niger
State, representing North East, North West and North Central
geo-political zones. Also expected were former senate president,
Iyorchia Ayu; former PDP national chairman, Audu Ogbeh; former
Inspector General of Police, Mohammed Yusuf and Ahmed Kurfi, from
Bauchi State.

They were appointed into the
committee by the Forum in the middle of last month to search for a
consensus candidate to run in the primaries.

Sources however revealed that the
meeting, scheduled to hold at the prestigious Transcorp Hotel, was put
off because of an urgent need by the committee members to tour the 19
northern states to sell the idea to the members of the PDP in the
region.

It was further gathered that the
need for the tour arose in order to rubbish whatever gains were made by
the campaign outfit of Mr Jonathan and his deputy, Namadi Sambo. The
Jonathan campaign outfit led by its director general, Dalhatu Tafida
had visited the north-west zone and was in north central zone when the
committee decided to embark on its own tour.

Some northern members of the PDP
had argued that it was wrong for the president to join the race since
there was an agreement reached by the party, some years ago, that
presidential power should rotate between the north and the south.

The group also argued that with
the death of former President Umaru Yar’Adua in office last May,
another northerner should emerge in 2011 after Mr Jonathan (Yar’Adua’s
deputy) might have completed the tenure began by the last president.

However, Mr Obasanjo and some
other members of the party are insisting that any Nigerian has a right
to contest the presidential election, irrespective of the region their
region.

In their determination to keep
power in the north, the northern forum initiated a meeting with the
quartet of Babangida, Abubakar, Gusau and Saraki as well as their
aides, on September 18, during which they resolved to present a common
candidate for the presidential election. They also resolved to set up
an eight-member team to deliberate on the matter.

Those at the meeting were Raymond
Dokpesi from Ibrahim Babangida Campaign Organisation; Chris Mammah of
Atiku Abubakar Campaign Organisation; Ben Obi of Aliyu Gusau Campaign
Organisation and Ibrahim Yakubu Lame, then of Bukola Saraki Campaign
Organisation.

Although, the committee membership
was expanded to 12, that appears to be the last time it reached a
consensus on any matter, prompting speculations that the single
candidate plan might fail. Before last week’s meeting was shelved, the
committee members, who were christened in “the 12 wise men” had met
several times without achieving the aim for which they were appointed.

Though both the aspirants and
their supporters have variously claimed that they will respect the
wishes of the committee, their utterances and actions so far have
suggested the contrary, thereby endangering their assignment. In the
course of the pre-primaries campaign, each of the four aspirants have
flaunted their credentials, sometimes in utter embarrassment to the
others.

For instance, Mr Abubakar has
severally claimed that of the lot, he has the best democratic
credentials, having been in politics for so many years and vice
president of the country for eight years under a civilian dispensation.
This is perceived as an indirect attack on Mr Babangida and Gusau, both
of whom are retired military generals.

On his part, Mr Saraki has been hammering on the issue of generational change.

Only last week, the 48-year-old
governor reportedly told presidential hopefuls born before the nation’s
independence in 1960 to withdraw from the race. Again, this was
interpreted as ‘missiles’ fired at Messrs Babangida, Abubakar and
Gusau, all of whom are in their late 60s.

People deceiving people

Mr Babangida has also not been
averse to flaunting his experience in government. He said having run
the country for eight years, he is best positioned to be the consensus
candidate. Yet, Mr Gusau would claim that his experience in the
security circles puts him ahead of others.

If anything, these utterances and
actions, which suggest desperation, have tended to frustrate the plan
of the 12-member committee.

At a recent all-night meeting, Mr
Ciroma was said to have expressed concern over the success of the
committee if its members continued to canvass support for their
principals. Source said he expressed frustration when the committee
could not take a vote he called on the matter.

Besides, there appears to be a
lack of commitment on the part of members of the committee to the
cause. For instance, some members regularly shun meetings, often
without any explanation. Despite being invited several times, Messrs
Lamido, Babangida Aliyu and Goje have continued to boycott the
meetings, causing the committee to postpone its meeting.

Also disturbing is Mr Ayu’s entry
into the presidential race. The former senate president, from Benue
State, is said to have shocked his fellow committee members when he
announced his intention to contest the presidency two weeks ago.

Furthemore, the northern
presidential aspirants were jolted when a new entrant into the race,
Sani Aminu, distanced himself from the quest. Mr Aminu, who hails from
Katsina, told journalists, he would only concede to consensus
arrangement at the level of the party.

“I am yet to get in touch with the
Northern Political Leaders Forum. I am not part of them,” he said. “But
if there is any consensus within the parameters of PDP, we would
welcome it. PDP is PDP, we aren’t talking of North or South.”
Expectedly, Mr Jonathan’s camp has cashed in on this apparent confusion
to raise its stake. The Goodluck/Sambo Campaign Organsation says the
gang up against the president would fail because it is not based on any
programme.

“The consensus arrangement being
pursued is based on sheer opportunism and driven by an undemocratic and
illiberal spirit,” Sully Abu, spokesman of the organization, said.
“That is why they have continued to be at pains to explain that they
are at work, irrevocably committed to the success of the arrangement.

They have continued feverishly with their individual campaigns while
they continue to protest their commitment to subsume their individual,
galloping ambitions. Who is deceived?”

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Jonathan’s aides woo lawmakers on ‘dead’ electoral bill

Jonathan’s aides woo lawmakers on ‘dead’ electoral bill

Following the defeat of an attempt
to alter the 2010 Electoral Act in a manner that will allow political
appointees regain their eligibility as voting delegates at the
conventions of political parties, presidency aides appear set to launch
a new tactics to woo lawmakers into re-introducing the “dead” bill.

Sources say the senate’s decision
to kill that aspect of the electoral law was received as a rude shock
by the president and his campaign team.

However, president Jonathan’s
campaign organisation has decided to start a fresh attempt to lobby the
lawmakers to re-introduce the bill.

Even though the standing rules of
both chambers of the national assembly prohibit the re-introduction of
a bill that has been rejected, Sully Abu, head of publicity for the
Goodluck Campaign Organization told NEXT they will stand their ground.

“We haven’t given up. We will go
back and negotiate and ask questions,” Mr. Abu said. “There is not
absolute victory or defeat. There is no monopoly of wisdom either in
the presidency or the national assembly. We hope that we will have a
meeting of the mind with the senate to see sense on the matter.”
Analysts, however,

believe that judging from the
unity predicated on common interest displayed by the senate in arriving
at their decision on Wednesday; the Jonathan campaign team might find
it extremely difficult to re introduce the bill.

Last Wednesday, the senate acted
in a largely unified manner to shut down Mr Jonathan’s attempt to
reshape the 2010 Electoral Act. Their action was devoid of the usual
political or ethnic sentiments that usually colour similar debates.

“It was obvious their actions were premeditated,” Fred Idowu, an independent political analyst said.

“They were determined to “kill the
bill” and perhaps send a message to the presidency. The senators were
convinced the bill is toxic to the current electoral act and self
serving – to the president – judging from the changes the bill proposed
to bring.” The bill proposed three major amendments to the current 2010
electoral act. It sought to give the leadership of Independent National
Electoral Commission (INEC) the power to determine the sequence in
which elections are held; it also wanted political parties to adopt the
system of indirect primaries – the type of primaries usually adopted by
PDP – for the choice of its candidates.

What the amendment meant to do is
to allow political parties to change at will the rules governing
procedures for primaries by issuing new guidelines, rather than relying
on the provisions of the current 2010 Electoral Act.

The bill proposed that Section
87(8) of the Electoral Act 2010 should be deleted. That section
provides that no political appointee at any level shall be a voting
delegate at the convention or congress of any political party for the
purpose of nomination of candidates for any elections.

Section 87(8) is viewed as
revolutionary because it prevents the president and governors from
flooding political party congresses with ministers, special advisers,
commissioners and other political appointees who would vote to choose
their boss or the candidate of their boss’ choice.

While the civil society and the
opposition – both within and outside the PDP – described the action of
the senate as patriotic, Mr. Abu said the setback at the senate has
sharpened their resolve to move on stronger.

Loyal appointees

The President’s campaign team
greatly rely on the votes of the various political appointees serving
in this administration to push their principal through in the primaries
of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP).

Before President Jonathan made up his mind to run for the presidency in the forthcoming elections,

there were 1027 splinter campaign organizations sponsored by political appointees within the government.

During the presidential
declaration which took place mid September, an official at the
presidential villa said that the level of sponsorship the president
received from his appointees was up to 95 per cent.

Attendees at the declaration were
also seen clad in uniformed dresses bearing their support for the
president and which political appointee was sponsoring them.

NEXT also gathered that the
lawmakers, in the closed meetings, had considered this impassioned
support from his staff before arriving at the decision not to allow
voting by personal aides; bearing in mind it will give the president an
unfair edge over the other contestants.

Goodluck Campaign Organization, however, disagrees with that all appointees are rooting for the president.

“The fact that they are appointees does not make it compulsory that
they will vote for the president. After all, you will not have a gun to
their heads that they must vote for him,” Mr. Abu argued. “These are
people that were carefully chosen across various areas of the country,
so they represent the different sections of the country so they have
legitimate political interest and representation.”

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Court grants Okah right to review evidence against him

Court grants Okah right to review evidence against him

The South African Police Services
(SAPS) must make available copies of the hard drive of computers and
cell phone memories seized from suspected terrorist Henry Okah to his
lawyers “no longer than three working days” after Friday’s sitting.

The order came from presiding
magistrate Henry Louw as he considered an affidavit filed by Mr Okah
requesting for the records, as well as telephone numbers and the
identity of those whom the prosecution claims Mr Okah gave instructions
to over the bombing.

Mr Okah’s affidavit, as read by
his lawyer Rudi Krause, also requested the warrants issued towards the
search of his house and subsequent arrest.

Prosecution lawyer, Shaun
Abrahams, in his opening arguments, said “the state will make
concessions,” but would not allow Okah to “peep over the shoulder of
the investigating authorities.” He insisted that due to the
“connections” Mr. Okah had, “if we accede to all of his requests, we
strongly believe that he will interfere with the investigation. The
applicant is wanting to know step by step how Colonel Zeeman and his
team are investigating. He does not want Ben Ebere to be found,” Mr,
Abrahams said.

But Mr Okah’s lawyer, Rudi Krause
said his client’s phone records had been reviewed by his legal team and
“there’s nobody he had phoned so many times,” in reference to 1126
calls which the prosecution stated was made by Mr. Okah to Ben Ebere
between 7 August and 29 September 2010.

He said evidence against Mr. Okah
did not exist and asked: “is the state serious when they say the
applicant is not entitled to know who his co-conspirators are? And how
on earth can that jeopardise the investigations?”

Judge Louw subsequently accepted
the prosecution’s willingness to furnish Mr. Okah’s lawyers with copies
of his telephone call records and computer hard-drive as well as the
affidavits. He, however, ruled that the prosecution would only be
obliged to produce further evidence when the case moved on from a bail
application to the trial proper.

The Cybercrime Unit of SAPS is
willing to provide the records to Mr. Okah’s lawyers, so long as they
have a 2 terabyte memory stick on which to store the information,
according to Mr. Abrahams.

This points at more legal fireworks when the court resumes on November 4 to continue hearing on Mr. Okah’s bail application.

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Opposition mounts against Ribadu in ACN

Opposition mounts against Ribadu in ACN

The presidential ambition of Nuhu
Ribadu on the platform of the Action Congress of Nigeria is not going
to be easily achieved considering growing intra-party opposition, NEXT
has learnt.

There are also indications that
some northern leaders, disillusioned by the primacy of President
Goodluck Jonathan in the PDP, are seeking alternative platforms. It has
always been held in some quarters that the major beneficiary from any
fall-outs in the PDP will be the Action Congress of Nigerian and Mr.
Ribadu – who has been the recipient of several solicitations.

The National Secretary of the ACN,
Usman Bugaje, has however declared his intention to resign his position
as the party’s secretary in order to challenge Mr Ribadu for the
presidential ticket. Mr Bugaje may not be the only challenger to the
former EFCC boss’s ambition to become ACN’s candidate.

Part of the new movement, NEXT
learnt, is fuelled by the emerging sign that some former stalwarts of
the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) will soon defect to ACN.

On the list of those said to be
planning to defect are Ifeanyi Ararume, a senator representing Imo
North; Abiye Sekibo, a former minister of transportation and secretary
to the Rivers State government; Achike Udenwa, former governor of Imo
State; Adamu Aliero, a former FCT Minister and Buka Abba Ibrahim, a
former governor of Yobe State and currently a senator.

The news is already troubling some
ACN stalwarts, who see the incoming members not only as PDP leaders,
but as cronies of former President Ibrahim Babangida. There are fears
among this section of the party that the new entrants will take the
advantage of the ongoing membership registration in the party to
register their supporters also, thereby, establishing a structure
strong enough to either bring Mr. Babangida into the party or
destabilise any plan of the party to challenge the PDP.

Efforts to speak with either Mr
Bugaje or Mr Ribadu on their candidacy did not succeed. But a source
close to Mr Ribadu’s camp said he was not surprised by the planned
defection because ACN is the only viable alternative for politicians
leaving the PDP who still wanted to remain politically relevant.

“We will rather see the move as their effort to remain politically relevant and not as a threat to Ribadu,” the source said.

No formal approach

Lai Mohammed, the party’s
national publicity secretary, however said there has not been a “formal
approach” by any intending members notifying the national leadership of
the party of their interest in the party.

“I have heard about the rumour
also,” he said, “but there has not been any formal approach.” Mr.
Mohammed explained that an intending member can either approach the
national leadership of the party, notifying the leadership of his
interest, or approach the state leadership.

“I can confirm to you that there
is no such thing at the national leadership, but I cannot say if they
[intending members] are talking to the leadership of the ACN in their
respective states,” he said.

Only Senator Ibrahim, out of the
five, replied to text messages sent by NEXT. He said the news is not
true. However, NEXT learnt that Mr. Sekibo has long concluded plans to
formally join the party before the end of this month.

“He is already on his way to formally join us,” said Mmuen Kpagane,
the former chairman of the party in Rivers State. “He has told the PDP
he is no longer their member and has informed his ACN Ward leaders and
by tomorrow, he will be picking up his membership card in Okrika.” The
state chairmen of ACN in Imo, Yobe and Kebbi all denied the reports.
However, a source close to the national leadership of ACN said some of
the negotiation were done at the national level and some state chairmen
may not know yet or “pretend not to know because they want to be
contacted directly by the intending member.”

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FOOD MATTERS: Cocoa to Chocolate

FOOD MATTERS: Cocoa to Chocolate

I have one cocoa
tree in my back garden. It is in the shade of some hoary plantain
trees. The cocoa pod is aesthetically one of my favourite fruits. I
love its sunglow gold complexion when ripe; its muscularity, the way
the pod rests on the tree like an elongated breast. Today is my first
taste of the cocoa bean. On opening the pod, one discovers the beans
wrapped in thick white pulp. I am presently sucking on the pulp, which
tastes a little like Soursop or Lychee, and also reminds me of the
smoothness and creaminess of bananas. The taste of the bean is
acquired. It is a contrasting bitter taste.

For the past two weeks,
we have been sun drying some beans. Today they will go in the oven for
about twenty minutes, the chaff surrounding the beans will be removed
and I will blend the beans to produce a bitter dark powder, which
because we have skipped the fermentation stage will not have as strong
a chocolate flavour. It is the fermentation simply carried out by
spreading the beans in wooden crates or baskets lined with banana
leaves for two to seven days that help to produce the intense flavour
of chocolate.

I have in front of
me a bar of Cameroun’s Chococam Mambo dark chocolate. Unlike the
familiar and touted best worldwide brands, its dark chocolate is only
50% cacao content. The best dark chocolate should have at least 70%
cacao content. I have also in front of me three other brands that I am
savouring and comparing; Green and Black’s organic dark chocolate
(shorter bite, light, sweet); Menier’s Chocolat Patissier (very, very
smooth texture, slight chew with a pleasant bitter aftertaste) and
Lindt Excellence’s Mint Intense (chewiest texture, spreads between the
teeth, almost too refined).

Cameroun must be highly commended for
producing any form of chocolate. They are a small country with a high
poverty rate. They are also the fourth largest producers of cocoa in
Africa after Cote d’Ivoire, Ghana and yours dearest, Nigeria. When
the packet of Mambo is opened, the smell of the chocolate is strong,
full and amazing.

Unfortunately, its
taste is disappointing and it has too much sugar in it. Nevertheless,
I wonder why Cameroun can produce chocolate as a national export and
Nigeria can’t or won’t. I consulted Mr. Anthony Ubi, special adviser
to the Cross River State government on processing marketing and
packaging, on why Cross River State as the second largest producer of
cocoa in Nigeria can’t make chocolate. Here I am after all in my
backyard, fermenting and sunning beans, roasting them, effectively
making hot chocolate.

Cacao nibs fully
fermented and dried are now being sold in developed countries as a
super food. There are all kinds of research on how healthy it is to
eat raw cacao, and how much more antioxidant flavonoids they have than
red wine and tea. Mr. Ubi claims that the international buyers’ hold
on the cocoa coming out of Nigeria and other African countries is like
that of the Mafia. West Africa produces 70% of the cocoa used to
produce chocolate in Western countries. In order to turn cocoa into
chocolate, and to break the Mafia’s monopoly, the Nigerian government
has to be willing to commit four times the cost of growing cocoa pods
into the industry. The Nigerian

government is
unwilling to do this. As usual, it head is up its backside. By the
way, the world’s processed chocolate market is worth $60 billion. When
the cocoa growers sneeze in Nigeria, it sends panic waves to the
international market. All that influence and power and potential, and
so much indifference and laziness on our part. Even our trees are said
to be old, the industry long in need of new cocoa producing trees.

One should not of course be allowed to go on and on about chocolate
in such dire terms. Chocolate is exciting, delicious, healthy, an
aphrodisiac, a guiltless replacement for sex for those whose hearts are
set against fornication. So here is my little contribution to the
moral right standing of my fellow Nigerians: My beans are brought in
from the sun and roasted in the oven till they give off a wonderful
sweetish smell almost like baking pastry. The beans out of the oven
are shelled, revealing dark soil coloured beans. To the shelled beans I
add half a teaspoon of cayenne pepper, half a dried Cameroonian pepper,
the scrapped insides of a vanilla pod and plenty of cinnamon bark. I
blend all the ingredients in my dry mill.

The end result looks like
any hot chocolate powder and smells just as good. This blend is cooked
in hot water with milk and good quality honey like the old world Aztec
would have done until a thick chocolate drink is produced. A whisk is
applied to the blend to give it a frothy appearance. More milk and
pepper is added to suit the drinker’s taste. And there’s the best,
the healthiest, the most delicious Nigerian hot chocolate made in my
own backyard, no emulsifiers, no junk and no fattening cocoa butter. I
think I need to pat myself on the back!

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HERE AND THERE: This waiting game

HERE AND THERE: This waiting game

If you knew how much of your life would be spent waiting, would you still make the trip?

Waiting for ‘oga’
to rouse himself from whatever has seized his mind at the time (heaven
forefend that he should be waiting for you); waiting for the young
ladies to finish colour coordinating, accessory matching and putting
the finishing touches to ‘the look’ of the day; waiting for that police
officer, bored out of his tiny mind, to decide whether to prolong the
pleasure he derives from wasting your time; waiting for that parking
attendant who thinks he can show you how to drive (something that would
not cross his mind if you were male); or just simply waiting because
everybody else seems to think your time is theirs.

I am sitting in my
car in the hot sun waiting for a sixteen year old. I came when I was
instructed to: 1.30 pm she said. I will have lunch with my friends
after school officially closes for half term and will be ready to be
picked up at 1.30. Of course she wasn’t, and of course she was not the
one who provided an explanation because of course she did not pick up
her cell phone when I called (why would she call me?); one of her
friends did.

I am long past
wondering about how our children manage to be so different from us. Try
anything you like at home to mould them onto the template you came
with, it does not work because they simply breathe in this free
wheeling sense of entitlement from the air around them.

Keep my mother
waiting? Certainly I would have to be ad, possessed by some alien
spirit. Infractions like that would earn you a scolding that could
reduce you to dust and remind you of your insignificance in the scheme
of things. It was not quite the equivalent of “I brought you into this
world and I can take you out”, but it was close. It implied a greater
force of nature would correct the imbalance in the universe occasioned
by your incomprehensible behaviour.

And there is little
point going down that old pot holed road, when I was a child …The
answer would come whipping back at you accompanied by gales of
laughter:” That was then Daddy, this is now. Don’t even go there!”
Which leads to another thing, smart quick thinking and eloquent today’s
children can see past the façade of do as I say not as I do.

Where we would
simply accept and keep silent even if we thought differently, they want
an explanation now and one that makes sense so they can throw it back
at you when you are least expecting it. Parenting has become a full
time job. The bulwark of those forces of nature, aunts, uncles cousins
the wider community of family has been permeated by a wild, angry and
unscrupulous world of people seeking their own progress and pleasure at
the expense of yours. This is also matched by a free wheeling media
that forces you to eternal vigilance in policing what your children
read and watch on those constantly available screens big and small.

My mother’s most
potent weapon against me was guilt. “Why do you want to put me to
shame. What wrong did I do in having you?” I used to hate it, but it
worked. Look at me today, married with children and sitting in a hot
car waiting for a teenager!

Could I try that
same tack with her? Unlikely because I do not think it would work and I
could not bring myself to do it. Each generation climbs on the
shoulders of the other and so can see ahead to a future from a
different view.

What I could not
share with my mother out of an old fashioned code of respect, I can
share with my daughter today in the confident hope that knowledge and
not luck will guide her to make the right choices and decisions in
those subjects that do not come on any school curriculum, even today.

But is still
remains a continuous circle of life when your offspring stop being
children and grow more like companions as they traverse that same road
you struggled on and come to understand so much more about what you
were trying to teach them. Daughters come to understand the particular
nature of motherly and wifely toil, and often times you find yourself
looking into a mirror of your past as you watch your children.

The other day
halfway through a morning schedule of juggling work, home and offspring
I was presented with two sets of requests for afternoon pick ups and
drop offs. I had already had to cancel two previous appointments with
my barber that week because of other pressures. But I was planning to
cut my hair this afternoon I moaned. ” Mummy you don’t need to cut your
hair, why are you always cutting your hair.”

I had to turn round and tell that sixteen year old: “You know you sound just like my mother!”

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Patience’s bad luck

Patience’s bad luck

Unlike her husband who embodies the name Goodluck, Patience Jonathan is not so lucky.

It seems that every
time she tries to do good, misfortune attends. Some of it is due to
dumb planning of course, but mostly, it is plain bad luck.

When as a
governor’s wife she tried to move some of her money abroad like other
people, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, allegedly, caught
her: twice if you believe the accounts. As a result, she is probably
the first lady with the least money in foreign banks to have served in
Bayelsa State.

Then in May
Interpol in Dubai caught a family friend, James Ibori, and she went
there to visit, to be with him in his hour of need. Some in the media
turned the matter into a national cause célèbre, accusing her of going
on a shopping spree, lampooning her timing, even questioning the nature
of her relationship with Mr. Ibori. But she may just be the kind of
person who does not abandon her friends simply because they hit a bad
patch!

Last month, her
husband attended the 65th UN Assembly in New York and she accompanied
him, as a good wife should. Somehow, the fact emerged that she had
taken along 23 other people including her personal cook, her friends,
and her valet. All paid for by the federal government.

Perhaps the worst
example of her sheer ill luck was the Independence rice spree. Mrs.
Jonathan, aware of the breathtaking poverty in the land, sought to
distribute two million bags of rice to poor people in the federal
capital territory and a stampede ensued. In the process, people lost
their lives. The rice trucks crushed some who had abandoned the queues
to seek vantage points, and some died because the police officers, who
should keep order, were eagerly grabbing bags. Mostly, the most
abominable planning marred the whole thing.

In any case, her
attempt at helping to alleviate hunger, at bringing smiles to the faces
of her fellow citizens as the country celebrated its 50th anniversary,
turned into ash in our mouths. Only God knows how bad she must have
felt, but she is not one to rest on her oars.

A week ago, she
decided to launch her ‘pet project’, as all first ladies before her
have done, as all those after her will. Somehow, the roads to the
federal secretariat Abuja were blocked and many civil servants, who
some say wanted an excuse to stay away from work anyway, could not get
to their offices. A number of them had to return home, and crucial
(wo)man-hours were lost.

My friend in Abuja
was sure that Mr. Jonathan lost more than a few votes that day as
frustrated commuters cursed him, his government, and his wife. “These
Jonathan people are doing IBB’s campaign for him,” he said.

Then today, I get
a text message that has been doing the rounds. Titled, “The bomb the
1st lady dropped during her speech at Eagle Square,” it contained half
a dozen grammatical errors, including how the October bombers made
“some children a widow.” Here is the shortlist:

1. “The people sitting before you here were once a children.” 2. “The bombers, who born them? Wasn’t it not a woman?”

3. “A good mother takes care of his children.”

I have no proof
that all that is true but my friend, a good mother herself, said she
has decided to protect her children by making sure the television is on
mute whenever Mrs. Jonathan is delivering speeches. The standard of
education is poor already as it is. True, grammatical howlers by people
who should know better are not new. The Economist Style Guide even has
one by George Bush, the former American president whose syntax is
sometimes toxic. “There is a child somewhere in Birmingham and all
across the country and needs somebody to put their arm around them and
to say: you’re a part of America.”

Yet, too many
things have happened too recently that, taken together, make Mrs.
Jonathan somewhat a liability to the president’s campaign. There are
rumours that she is a more vigorous politician than her husband is;
that she helps him take care of the basics, that she is the one who
does most of the consulting, the conjuring, and the consolidating. Now
if only she had more luck!

Still, we cannot
have everything. So, it will help the campaign, I think, if Mrs.
Jonathan will try to embody her name and be subdued, less visible:
enough of the activities already. As one newspaper editor likes to say,
she needs more ‘sobriety’.

To all intents and purposes, Patience still has virtue; but too much of her is hurting Mr. Jonathan right now.

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Rice, oh compatriots!

Rice, oh compatriots!

Tucked away from
the volumes of news generated by the Nigerian media was a plaintive cry
for help by the president of the Rice Farmers Association of Nigeria
(RIFAN), Abubakar Wodi. There is nothing unusual in demands by interest
groups, especially farmers, for government support for their industry.

But Mr. Wodi has
an unusual request. He wanted government to assist members of his
association to build on their success in way that could only be
beneficial to the country itself.

The rice farmer is calling for a freeze in rice importation to save local production.

He said the need
for such a measure is necessary because of a glut in paddy rice due to
importation. Mr. Wodi said that more than 75 percent of the rice
produced locally remains unsold, adding that the latest report from Edo
State indicated that the price of the commodity had fallen drastically.

The leader of the
rice farming community further argued that, for a country, which
consumes rice more than any other staple food, concerted efforts must
be made to address the problem urgently. He urged the federal
government to review the N23 million worth of contracts for small-scale
rice processing centres, awarded in 2009, to give way to large-scale
rice processing centres.

We can but urge
government, at all levels, to hearken to the cry of the association for
the lives of thousands of people involved in the cultivation,
processing and marketing of this cereal depend on sustaining the
industry. Nigeria also stands to gain economically by keeping these
people in employment – and that is without talking about the millions
of dollars the country expends every year to import the product.

Rice, until the
oil boom of the 1970s, was not a major source of food for Nigerians. In
fact, statistics show that Nigeria had the lowest per capita annual
consumption of rice in West Africa in the 1960s. But since then, the
consumption of this cereal has literally gone through the roof,
recording an estimated growth of 10 per cent a year – and demand for
the grain is predicted to surge by almost 50% to 2013. Yet, the need,
fostered as it were by changing feeding patterns, is largely met by
foreign imports. The commodity, which is procured mostly from Asian
markets, costs the country close to $1 billion a year.

It has also
changed from being middle class fare to that eagerly consumed by all
classes. A World Bank report, which classified rice as a strategic
commodity in the country, noted poor urban households obtain over 30
percent of their caloric intake from rice. The product also constitutes
a major component of their food expenditure.

Rice has thus
become a security issue, which the government has to pay serious
attention to. Rice is grown in virtually all the states in Nigeria and
there is nothing that stops the country from becoming major net
exporter of the grain except lack of investment.

It is possible
that the perceived low quality of locally produced rice was responsible
for the low patronage of the stock. But half the job has been done with
increased cultivation and higher yielding varieties.

Surely, as Mr.
Wodi said, better and bigger processors should improve the quality of
the local product. If government recognises rice as a strategic
commodity, then it ought not to be too difficult for it to make this
happen. As countries such as India have shown, nothing exalts a nation
more than an ability to feed itself. It should also free up some more
of our foreign reserve for other products that would have bigger impact
on national development.

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