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Egyptian protesters push for more political reforms

Egyptian protesters push for more political reforms

One thousand protesters, gathered in Tahrir square — the epicenter of Egypt’s uprising — chanted nationalist slogans and called for Mubarak and other figures from his government be tried for corruption. They also called for the release of the country’s political prisoners, MENA said.

Tahrir square in central Cairo has become a popular gathering point for demonstrators since the wave of anti-government protests that toppled Mubarak on Feb 11.
In a separate protest in downtown Cairo, 1,000 Coptic Christians gathered to demand the release of protesters they said were detained in a previous protest, and called for speedy investigations into recent incidents of sectarian strife.

And in a third protest also in central Cairo, 500 people gathered in front of Egypt’s state television and radio building, demanding that all employees hired by Mubarak’s government leave their posts for what they said was “incorrect and misleading” coverage of the anti-Mubarak protests.

REUTERS

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Women in Hausa Proverbs

Women in Hausa Proverbs

Like the Yoruba and Igbo, the Hausa are hardworking and adventurous traders. Apart from trading within various Hausa villages, towns, and provinces, the Hausa also trade with merchants from other parts of Nigeria, Ghana, Niger, and North Africa. Some of them have had to settle with their families outside Northern Nigeria in the course of their business pursuits. Their main items of trade are cattle, kolanuts, tomatoes, potatoes, onions, guinea corn, groundnuts, traditional medicines, and leatherworks. Kano is the commercial nerve centre of the Hausa people. Metropolitan in nature, it still clings tenaciously to various elements of traditional life as can be seen in the prominence of Hausa language, architecture, and dressing in the city.

There is no way one can analyse gender relations among the Hausa without considering the role of Islam. This is because over half the Hausa population is Muslim. Islam introduced and sustained new ways and avenues for the discrimination of women. It popularised polygamy; it allows a man to marry as many as four wives and to keep as many concubines as he can afford. The clause attached to marrying four wives at the maximum is hardly considered: a man can only marry four wives if he can treat them equitably, without having or showing a preferential disposition to any of the wives.

This is not to say that the pre-Islamic Hausa society did not discriminate against women. It did. There are some negative socio-cultural beliefs, attitudes, and practices, which started in pre-Islamic times among the Hausa. Examples are female circumcision and child marriages.

In spite of the political and cultural penetration of northern Nigeria by the British colonialists, the Muslim Hausa have been able to retain a major proportion of their culture and tradition even in contemporary times. Islam as a unifying religion and Hausa as a common language have contributed significantly to this. This perhaps explains why the empowerment of women by gender-sensitive people and organisations remains slow and difficult. Muslim women activists (like Zainab Kabir) have used the Quran and other notable published Islamic authorities to counter the negative image of women in Hausaland. They encourage women to actively participate in work, even in those areas that are regarded as being for men only.

Countering the common injunction (readily used by men and women to justify their attitudes towards women) of Surah Al-Baquarah 2:228 that a woman’s authority is subservient to that of a man, they insist on women and men as being protectors of each other, as found in Surah At-Tawbah 9:71. Isa Wali (1956) has also used verses from the Quran to support the thesis that women and men are created as equals (see the Quran, 11:228; 53: 44-46; 92: 1-3).

Hausa Women in Proverbial Lore

Pre-Islamic Hausa women were largely dedicated to storytelling activities. It was their domain. Every night, within the confines of their homes, or under the dark sky, they re-told age-old stories. Proverbs held a very important place. They encapsulated the people’s history and philosophy of life. This was more so because the people could not read and write. Their history and beliefs were stored and coded in some special people’s mental capacities. They are then transmitted orally within various literary genres, proverbs inclusive.

The cultural heritage, ethics, mores, beliefs, traditions and wisdom of the Hausa are all embedded in their proverbs. The attainment of Islam as a state religion did not in any significant way diminish the status of proverbs in Hausaland. Islam only changed the general animistic belief system found in proverbs by shifting the focus to Allah. The laws governing inter-personal relationships as found in proverbs remained the same. Islam confirmed, to a large extent, the virtues of equity and fairness needed in one’s dealings with others, as taught in Hausa proverbs. Islam broadened the horizons of Hausa proverbs by making use of them as titles of books, newspaper headings and articles, and in works of fiction. The highly moralistic works of fiction by Muslim authors, writers, and poets relied heavily on the adoption of proverbs for easier transmission.

Hausa gender proverbs, though relatively few in number compared to those of the Yoruba and Igbo, reflect the hierarchical position of women, and the attitudes and beliefs that shape their existence. Some of these proverbs, loosely translated, are:

i. A man should not eat from the same plate, tray, or pan with a woman, as she uses this as an avenue to drain the man of all his strength.

ii. Having sex with a mad woman, undetected, will make the man very rich.

iii. A woman who is grinding corn must sing while she is at it, or else she will become mad.

iv. A woman who climbs a ladder will become mad.

v. A married woman who utters her mother-in-law’s name is inviting the visit of an earthquake.

The first saying confirms what has been extensively stated in literature: men believe that women are spiritually powerful; they fear this power, detest themselves for giving in to their fear, and take measures to curtail this fear by spinning negative superstitions, proverbs, folktales, etc. about women.

The second proverb depicts an act that unscrupulous men have been carrying out for generations on mentally ill women. By this very act, men re-inscribe the master (male) – servant (female) relationship which sometimes involves the rape of the possession by the possessor.

The third belief reaffirms the “suffering and smiling” syndrome women are expected to put on whenever they are carrying out household chores. Since nature has endowed women with the timeless ability to give birth to and nurture children, men expect them to carry out all work revolving around these cheerfully. Any woman who falls short of this expectation is regarded as rebellious.

Hierarchical structures

It has been said before that the Hausa society is hierarchical in nature. Many of their proverbs serve as reminders to youth, who are believed to be generally restless and always in a hurry, to be contented with their place on the social ladder, as failure to do this would bring undesirable consequences:

Akwiya ta yi wayo da yankekken kunne.

(The goat acquires wisdom from burnt ears).

Abin da babba ya gani yana kasa, yaro ko ya hau rimi ba zai gan shi ba.

(What an adult sees from the ground, a boy cannot see even if he climbs a silk-cotton tree).

However, the fourth proverb boldly states that the female sex is not even on the ladder (hierarchy) yet; her place is still on the ground on which the ladder rests.

The fifth proverb confirms one of the major statements of this study: that patriarchy as a social system deliberately creates an environment which encourages women to nurture superstitions, dislike and acrimony against other women.

The following Hausa proverbs throw more light on the negativity ascribed to women in northern Nigeria:

-Babban abu shi ne, mace ta riga nijinta bawali.

(It is a serious thing for a wife to urinate before her husband does).

-Dole a zo, daki ya fada wa gurguwa da dan masu gida.

(Come quickly, the roof has collapsed on a crippled woman and the owner’s son).

These two proverbs are often used to describe desperate and grave scenarios. Though highly sexist in nature, they can be applied to explain situations that are not sexist in the least. But this does not in any way rectify or decrease the impact of the negative impressions these proverbs leave on the subconscious.

-Tuo na iyali, nama na – gida.

(The ‘tuo’ – a staple food made from grain – is for the household; the meat – a much appreciated delicacy – is for the master of the house).

The master of the household is traditionally entitled to the best part of any meal, while the the women and children have to be contented with whatever is left for them. Though some Hausa proverbs do not use the word “woman” in a direct sense, popular notions about the proverbs and contexts of usage always point at women.

The co-wives’ ethos

The distrust, envy, dislike, fear, and hatred co-wives entertain toward one another are also reflected in Hausa proverbs. There is always a basis for these negative elements to generate the outbreak of physical violence. The presence of contrastive characters or experiences possessed by wives in a polygamous setting – the procreative wife versus the non-procreative wife; the wife that has all male issues versus the one that has only female children; the wife whose children are in school or are educated versus the wife whose children are delinquents, etc. – often precipitate trouble. The husband, the nucleus of the women’s attention, most times worsens the already sensitive scenario by having a favourite among his many wives.

-In mugawa kaza ta fara shiga akurki ko wace ta zo sai ta tsare ta.

(If a wicked hen enters the fowl house first, everyone that comes in after her will be pecked by her).

What should be noted is that the major cause of the general discontent in most polygamous homes is envy. This envy steams from the fact that no two persons are created the same. A number of women under the same roof as wives to a particular man would use whatever attribute they possess to inflict pain on those who possess what they do not have, or to punish those who do not have what they possess. Thus,

-In na rena kaza ko ramonta ba na so.

(If I despise the fowl, I do not even want any soup from it).

This is another proverb often brandished by co-wives to one another. Any little event, experience or attribute can cause a feeling of animosity towards a co-wife. This rivalry which women generally manifest towards each other, especially in polygamous settings, is also reflected in the proverb,

-Mai koda ba ta son mai koda.

(A woman who is paid for grinding does not like another woman to be paid for grinding).

What this implies is that a woman does not like a rival in the form of another woman whose presence would diminish her person and importance in the eye of her husband and the public.

Wai kanama da ta harbi kasko ta ce ‘shegen duniya ko motsi ba ka yi’.

(The scorpion said to the small pot it stung, ‘you bastard thing, you don’t even move’).

Hausa men also believe that women talk too much. The proverb above is thus thrown at them to shut them up. Though there is a proverb used generally for people who talk a lot – Yawan magana ya kan kawo karya, meaning, ‘there is the tendency to tell a lie when one talks too much’ – it is believed that more often than not, women will always chatter away. The man is therefore, conditioned to be reticent, especially when in the midst of women. He is brought up to be sober and not to get into much argument with women as this could put him in trouble.

In tururuwa ta tashi lalacewa sai ta gashi.

(If the black ant is getting ready for an attack, it sticks out hairs).

This proverb refers to the supposedly temperamental nature of the woman, this time a scolding wife whose red hot anger forewarns her husband of her preparedness to leave him. The condition of the Hausa woman is made more pathetic by the fact that even an outright abusive proverb as this gets largely drawn upon by women in their descriptions of or attacks on fellow women.

Being the concluding part of a paper, ‘Subliminal Texts: Women, Proverbs and Power’ delivered by Anthonia Yakubu during an International Women’s Day seminar at the University of Lagos on March 9.

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Life after Duro Ladipo

Life after Duro Ladipo

It is two days to her 70th birthday and Abiodun Duro Ladipo, better known by her famous stage roles as Oya or Moremi, is getting set for the big day. To share in Oya’s joy is her mother with whom she is working on a fly whisk in the living room.

“Mama, please go inside. We are about to have an interview and he will have to record,” she tells her still sprightly mother, who obliges.

We are in the Ladipo’s residence at Bode Wasinmi, near the Broadcasting Corporation of Oyo State, Bashorun, Ibadan. Oya and her late husband, famed dramatist Duro Ladipo, moved into the house in 1974, four years before his death in 1978, and she has remained there since.

Unique man

The saying, whoever wants to make an old woman smile should ask about her husband, holds true for Moremi. The indigene of Epe in Ijero local government area of Ekiti State, smiles and says, “Why are you people always interested in how we met?” when asked how she met the great artist.

She had no interest whatsoever in acting back then because, “people believed it is a lazy person that will wake up in the morning and start dancing.” Her parents were also against it.

“However, I loved singing. I moved to Osogbo to stay with my aunt when I wanted to write entrance examination into the School of Nursing. I noticed Duro trying to form a troupe at Mbari Mbayo in Popo area of Osogbo. I used to go there to while away time because once my aunt and her husband went to work, I was left alone at home.

“I had never seen a man as tall as that before. When I noticed he was taking more than a passing interest in my talent, I told him I am not here to dance or act and that I won’t stay long. He was deeply involved in cultural plays which didn’t allow any form of fashion but whenever I wanted to go, I would put on bangles and trendy shoes to discourage him. He never sent me away or lost his temper. That was how the issue of marriage arose. However, he didn’t find it easy to marry me.”

Beier intervenes

German scholar, Ulli Beier, would eventually play a role in persuading the adamant girl who initially wanted to be a nurse to marry Duro Ladipo.

“When [Beier] saw me, he told my husband, “Duro, if Asake goes away, you can’t make it.” They went behind my back to meet my parents, but my mother refused. My aunt also forbade me from going to rehearse with his troupe. She would give me a lot of household chores so that I won’t be able to go for rehearsals. Duro… shifted rehearsals to suit me.

“He could read my mood without having to tell him anything and I concluded that this is a trustworthy fellow. He had many gifts but when he continued pestering me to marry him, I asked why me? He was way older than me. I asked if he didn’t have a wife before and he said he had but that she wasn’t around. I told him she must have run away because he is a bad man.

“If my husband wants to tell you something important, he will take you to a memorable place. He told me his life history and I started crying by the time he finished. I told him not to worry, that I will assist him. That was how I agreed to marry him, but it wasn’t easy. My parents were adamant initially, but Ulli and my husband were also unrelenting. I later went to convince them because my father had promised that he won’t force me to marry any man.”

The marriage lasted until Ladipo’s death, 14 years later. And though he has been dead 33 years, Moremi didn’t remarry. She explains why.

“I had resolved from a young age that I won’t marry two husbands and that I won’t have children for two men. In fact, there is no man that can be like Duro because other men will be thinking I’m a supernatural woman and they will be acting that way. I decided to remain a widow so that no man will compound my problem.”

Fulfilled and unfulfilled dreams

Moremi still maintains contact with Beier, the ‘Alarina’ (matchmaker) between her and the late Duro. He was also instrumental in helping her achieve one of her long held dreams for her husband’s graveyard in Popo, close to Oja Oba in Osogbo, becoming a tourist site

“Ulli came here some years ago. He said he didn’t like where Duro was buried when we were talking, but I told him I didn’t know what to do. He said he will discuss with (the then Osun State governor), Olagunsoye Oyinlola, and that was how the place was adopted.

“I am grateful that UNESCO has taken over the place as a tourist site. They are just going to start the renovation because they took it over last year. I am happy because I had always desired for the place to be renovated and now it is happening.”

Though she is happy about her husband’s graveyard, Oya will be happiest if the same happens to the family residence at Bode Wasinmi, which “could do with some repairs.”

Pointing, she informed, “That part of the house fell because I didn’t have enough money to maintain the whole house. I have great plans for this house, how it can also become a tourist centre. People come here and say they want to see the house but I don’t feel there is anything to see yet. I wish I could get people to support me.”

One of the highlights of Oya’s 70th birthday was the premiere of ‘Moremi’, one of her husband’s plays she has turned into a video film. Why ‘Moremi’ of all the works?

“‘Moremi’ was the easiest for me to adopt during the 30th anniversary of his death. It’s a popular women’s story and we have to let women know that they have a role to play in Nigeria, because Moremi rescued Ife. I want women to participate more actively in all spheres of life, they shouldn’t rely on men. I am happy it is premiering now because it is a call to women to get involved in affairs in the country.”

Ultimately, her dream is to turn all the works, including ‘Ajagun Nla’, ‘Beyiose’ and ‘Aro Meta’ amongst others into video films – but there are challenges.

“They are expensive plays, not parlour plays. I spent millions on ‘Moremi’ because it involved three communities. If I had millions, I will start recording them all because I want people to see the plays. I had to reproduce ‘Oba Koso’ seven years after Duro’s death because people were coming up with different interpretations.”

Sango‘ll fight back

‘Oba Koso’, one of Duro Ladipo’s most popular plays, has been interpreted differently by other filmmakers. There is Obafemi Lasode’s ‘Sango’ and ‘Ose Sango’ by A-Productions, but Oya is not bothered.

“When Lasode wanted to make his ‘Sango’, I wrote in the papers that they shouldn’t trespass. There are many deities in Yoruba land that you can portray, not one that someone has laboured over. They told me it’s not his property; that it is Yoruba history. I didn’t say anything, only that they are lazy and thieves.

“Those that made ‘Ose Sango’ said they were only treating the object. Ose (axe) is Sango’s symbol; you can’t divorce Ose from Sango. I know Sango won’t sleep in heaven. Whoever finds his trouble, he will fight back. Sango can defend himself; I don’t have to fight on his behalf.”

Revisiting the stage

Though video films are the rave in Nigeria now, Mama is not ready to abandon the stage. She says, “Stage plays shouldn’t be allowed to die. Abroad, it is the in-thing. Whites prefer interacting with the cast and crew after seeing a play. The bad economy and insecurity have turned Nigerians away from stage plays. By God’s grace, I will endeavour to work in both mediums.”

Oya’s desire at 70, she discloses, is to turn all her husband’s works into movies to preserve them. “They contain a lot of morals and I want children to also benefit from them. There are lessons in the plays that we will all find useful,” she reiterates. It has not been plain sailing and Mama reveals how she has been coping.

“I have received grace and persevered. I have not spoilt myself with men since my husband’s demise; they would have used and dumped me. But it wasn’t easy. I kept falling sick repeatedly at a time and went to see the doctor. He asked if I won’t be offended by his suggestion and I told him to go ahead. He said I should go look for a man who will make me happy… because what’s wrong with me is not an illness. That I am young and that it is nature, that I can’t cheat nature.

“He explained that he is not asking me to go remarry but I should look for a man with whom I will at least exchange words and joke with. I started laughing and asked him where I will find such a man. I kept persevering and God has assisted me till today.”

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Showing the way forward for Nigerian films

Showing the way forward for Nigerian films

A three-day seminar themed ‘Reading and Producing Nollywood: An International Symposium’ opened on March 23 at the University of Lagos. Filmmakers, Academics, students and people with interest in the Nigerian movie industry witnessed the event.

The seminar was put together by the trio of Duro Oni, Dean of the Faculty of Arts, UNILAG; Onookome Okome, lecturer at the University of Alberta, Canada; and Bic Leu, a Fulbright Fellow researching the Nigerian indigenous film industry.

According to Leu, the symposium which started off as Okome’s idea, was aimed at examining the Nigerian movie industry and looking at filmmaking forms, from storytelling to scriptwriting and distribution.

A number of speakers were expected to deliver papers and discuss select topics during the symposium. These included: academics Jonathan Haynes, Carmela Garritano and Ahmed Yerima, Barclays Ayakoroma, of the National Institute for Cultural Orientation, filmmaker Busola Holloway and many others.

Haynes, a professor of African Film, Video and Literature at Long Island University, US, who has done a lot of research on the Nigerian movie industry gave the keynote address, titled, ‘Reading Nollywood as a Popular Art: Class Character and the Campus Film’. “The study of Nollywood is growing radically”, he noted. “Nollywood now deserves to be taken seriously. People dismiss it; foreigners and Nigerians, particularly academics.” He added that “there should be frames of reference [for] describing it”.

According to Haynes, who had co-written an essay with Okome titled ‘Evolving Popular Media’, he found a framework for describing Nollywood and it was based on academic Karin Barber’s position that popular art in Africa is different from that of other regions of the world. “African popular art comes from the people who consume it. Barber talks about this art being of, for, and by the people,” Haynes declared.

He used campus films as the basis of his argument. “American films are not interested in campuses as a situation like Nollywood is”, he noted.

Plenary session

During the plenary session moderated by Garritano from the University of St. Thomas, US, Anulika Agina, Benmigho Awala and Cornelius Onyekaba delivered papers on related topics.

Agina of the Pan-African University, Lagos, discussed ‘Narrative Structure and Storytelling in Nollywood’. Her paper focused on the importance of the three-act structure in storytelling and scriptwriting. “We don’t pay attention to structure. Most films have an intrinsic three-act structure and this is what makes the form work, even though the audience is not conscious of it,” she said.

According to Agina, in a number of Nollywood movies, the first act of a story extends events to reach a climax – even though climax is really a third-act thing. She also canvassed the filmmaking maxim, ‘Show, Don’t Tell’. “In our films, a lot of what we know about the story comes through words. You should see more than you hear,” Agina said. “Ideally, dialogue should be used only when image and sound cannot move a story on. We need script development and editing. Storytellers need to learn how to use sub-plots to develop a story,” she added.

Film is a weapon

Cornelius Onyekaba delivered a passionate paper on ‘Re-telling History and Changing Perceptions Through Movies: A Study of Jeta Amata’s ‘Amazing Grace’.

“Film is a weapon. It is not just entertainment”, he declared, going further to decry the attitude of some producers who are only interested in getting back the money they put into a production. “Filmmaking is more than this,” Onyekaba said.

“Nations have used film to shape their economies,” said the lecturer at the Department of Creative Arts, UNILAG. He noted that there was a time the Chinese shut themselves out in order to recreate themselves as a nation. “Today, China is one of the booming economies of the world,” he said.

Commending ‘Amazing Grace’ (2006) as a study of how the black man’s voice can used to tell the black man’s story, Onyekaba argued that the Nigerian filmmaker is a sculptor and should see himself as such. “Nollywood should assert itself,”, he urged.

Benmigho Awala from the School of Media at the Pan African University delivered a paper on ‘Representation of Political Corruption in Nigerian Home Video Films: A Study of Some Selected Video Films’. He showed how some of the films discussed in the paper, including Tunde Kelani’s Yoruba movie, ‘Agogo Eewo’ (2002), x-rayed the political situation in Nigeria. He examined how a filmmaker like Kelani offers solutions to dealing with corruption by projecting in his films traditional folkloric themes. The seminar ended on Friday, March 25.

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The most beautiful star in the world

The most beautiful star in the world

Elizabeth Taylor who died in Los Angeles on Wednesday, March 23 at the age of 79, was the last great star of the Hollywood studio system. The citation of her age may have seemed like an inaccuracy at first; she had been famous for so long – seven decades, longer than many lifetimes – that many assumed she was older.

She rose to superstardom in an age when stars of the silver screen were goddesses, and never had a woman seemed more willfully godlike than Taylor. She married eight times, in an alternative career of serial walks up the aisle that involved a cast of seven husbands (she tied the knot with Richard Burton twice). Astonishing, yes, but if you were the most beautiful woman in the world, wouldn’t you live several lifetimes at once?

As news of her death broke, Vanity Fair magazine introduced a photo-study of the great Liz with these words: “No one before or since has been more captivatingly beautiful.” These were not just words inspired by the mushy sentimentality that prevails in the immediate aftermath of a death. Many years ago, this writer viewed ‘The Love Goddesses’, a 1965 documentary about the iconic impact of all the significant female movie stars spun by the Hollywood system. From the birth of cinema, they are shown decade by decade: from Lilian Gish to Louise Brooks, from Greta Garbo to Mae West, Ava Gardner to Marilyn Monroe. When we come to the fifties and a black and white love scene is played from ‘A Place in the Sun’, the narrator says of the face on the screen, “Elizabeth Taylor, probably the most beautiful love goddess of them all.”

Taylor’s famed beauty – violet eyes, smouldering raven hair, perfectly symmetrical features and a beauty spot dropped on one cheek like her maker’s signature – mesmerised all that laid eyes on her. Now in the age of augmentations, injections and implants that allow Hollywood stars to remake themselves according to their plastic dreams, it is a marvel that every feature on Taylor was God-given. Even women were awed by her, as British actress Diana Rigg said last week, “Elizabeth Taylor was the most beautiful woman I have ever clapped eyes on.”

A Place in the Sun

The Love Goddesses’ clip was a fitting introduction to my proper viewing of ‘A Place in the Sun’ years later. In the movie, Montgomery Clift is a working class young man who falls for the irresistible society belle played by Taylor. She is the perfect vision of beauty and class; and driven by his desire for her and a need to escape his social reality, Clift’s character kills his pregnant girlfriend, played by Shelley Winters (cast in the ordinary woman’s role, as happened to her in ‘Doctor Zhivago’ a few years later). A lingering close-up love scene (back then, ‘love scene’ was more suggestive than anything, usually involving no more than a kiss) is preceded by Clift telling Taylor how much he wished he could express his love for her. “Tell Mama, tell Mama all,” she says, eyes glittering like the diamonds that would later become entwined with her legend, and an enduring sex symbol was born.

Hyper-real fame

I am of the generation that saw the Larry Fortensky marriage happen. Taylor contracted her eighth and final marriage to the former builder in 1991, after meeting him at the Betty Ford Clinic. He was 20 years her junior and, while the union may have shown that she did not only go for men who could shower her with diamonds, it also demonstrated the hyper-real soap opera quality of her fame by this time. Her hair through the 90s was of the high volume that had held sway in the shoulder-padded heyday of ‘Dynasty’ and ‘Dallas’ the decade before, and it was all too easy to confuse her with the characters in those soap operas. She launched her own range of million dollar grossing perfumes – White Diamonds and Passion, among others – long before celebrity fragrances became de rigueur among the rich and famous. She was one of two older women who became muses to the late Michael Jackson (Diana Ross was the other). Taylor’s friendship with the Peter Pan of pop survived his child molestation trial (she was one of his most outspoken supporters) and lasted till their deaths (she was buried in the same cemetery as the singer on March 24). It was an unlikely friendship, but Jackson and Taylor had one thing in common: they had both achieved stardom from very young and, some would argue, never lost their inner child.

Potent screen star

In the blur of marriages, diamonds and rehab, it was easy for the press to overlook what a potent screen star Taylor had once been. “When was the last time you saw an Elizabeth Taylor film?” the British media were wont to ask in derisive tones in the 80s and 90s; and only those with longer movie memories could have demurred.

Her prime began in the fifties, notably with films like ‘Father of the Bride’ (1950). In ‘A Place in the Sun’ the following year, she was cast alongside the brilliant method actor, Montgomery Clift; and so began her film trysts with three iconic homosexuals of cinema. The other two were Rock Hudson and the short-lived James Dean, both of whom shared the screen with her in ‘Giant’ (1956). Hudson’s highly publicised death from AIDS in 1985 prompted Taylor to become a life-long activist and humanitarian for the disease. She founded the Elizabeth Taylor AIDS Foundation, tirelessly raising money to support sufferers and HIV research.

Born Elizabeth Rosemond Taylor in London on February 27, 1932, her dual American-UK nationality meant she could be made a Dame Commander of the British Empire (2000). The investiture by her namesake, the Queen of England, took place on the same day as Julie Andrews was honoured.

As a child, Taylor had been trained in ballet and once danced for the British royal family. But it was after her return to the US with her parents that her film career started, notably with the hit film ‘National Velvet’ (1944). The actress won the first of two Oscars for playing a high class call girl in 1968’s ‘Butterfield 8′ (her second was for ‘Who’s Afraid of Virginia Woolf?’). She also got good notices for ‘Cat On A Hot Tin Roof’ (1958) in which she appeared with Paul Newman.

Cleopatra in love

During the filming of the 1963 epic, ‘Cleopatra’ in Rome, Elizabeth Taylor’s romantic and cinematic lives collided in spectacular fashion. Playing Antony opposite the actress’s Egyptian queen was the fiery Welsh actor, Richard Burton who would become her fifth and sixth husband. Taylor had already been married four times. The husbands: hotel heir Nicky Hilton; Michael Wilding (with whom she had two sons); producer Mike Todd for whom she converted to Judaism but who tragically died in an air crash; and crooner Eddie Fisher, who she divorced to marry Richard Burton.

Many talk now of how Brad Pitt left Jennifer Aniston to run off with ‘the temptress’ Angelina Jolie – but a little history will show that Taylor and Burton had been even more flagrant. Eddie Fisher had been Mike Todd’s best friend, and, after the latter’s death, rushed to comfort his widow – Taylor – and fell for her. Fisher was married to Debbie Reynolds and they had two children (including Carrie, future Princess Leia in the Star Wars films), but went off to marry Taylor, in a major scandal.

The affair with Burton caused an even bigger scandal that drew the ire of the The Vatican, since the two lovebirds were carrying on their romance openly in Rome while married to other people. Burton and Taylor left their respective partners and married in 1963, in the most enduring union of the actress’s life. The public’s fascination with the pair reached fever pitch. They embarked on a jet-set lifestyle punctuated by the fabled diamonds he gave her. Princess Margaret, according to popular lore, admired the famous Burton-Taylor diamond on the actress’s finger and remarked about how “vulgar” it was, but it was clear she wouldn’t have minded having it for herself.

The film that brought Burton and Taylor together, ‘Cleopatra’, is infamous for its astronomical cost, nearly bankrupting the studio, Twentieth Century Fox, despite being the highest grossing film of 1963. Watching ‘Cleopatra’ today, it is not at all a bad film; and stands as a testament to the tempestuous love between Elizabeth Taylor and Richard Burton, while showing her at her most beautiful. The couple divorced in 1974 only to remarry in Botswana the following year, then going their separate ways for the final time in 1976.

Movie phenomenon

A few days before his death in 1984, the now remarried Burton wrote a letter to his Elizabeth from his home in Switzerland. It arrived at her Bel Air, Los Angeles home after she returned from his memorial service and is the only letter Taylor kept secret till the end of her own life. Other letters were released in the book, ‘Furious love: Elizabeth Taylor, Richard Burton and the Marriage of the Century’ (2010). It was an all-consuming love, as Burton wrote to her: “I am forever punished by the gods for being given the fire and trying to put it out. The fire, of course, is you.” He articulated her essence thus: “You are probably the best actress in the world, which, combined with your extraordinary beauty, makes you unique.”

Oft quoted in the last few days has been Victor Canby’s statement about the film star, published in The New York Times in 1986: “More than anyone else I can think of, Elizabeth Taylor represents the complete movie phenomenon – what movies are as art and an industry, and what they have meant to those of us who have grown up watching them in the dark.”

A fitting tribute, but perhaps the last word should go to her great love, Richard Burton, who said, “That girl has true glamour. If I retired tomorrow, I’d be forgotten in five years, but she would go on forever.” And in a sense, she did.

Elizabeth Rosemond Taylor, born February 27, 1932; died March 23, 2011.

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Elizabeth Taylor is dead

Elizabeth Taylor is dead

Academy Award
winning Hollywood veteran, Elizabeth Taylor, died today, Wednesday 23,
March 2011, at 79 years old in Los Angeles.

The two time Best
Actress winner, who started acting at the age of 12, had been
hospitalised for about six weeks at the Cedar-Sinai Medical Center in
Los Angeles, where she was receiving treatment for heart related
ailments.

According to a report on American news website, Msnbc.msn.com, the screen legend died with her family members by her side.

Aside her
pacesetting acting credentials, Taylor’s lifestyle, including serial
marriages and bizarre illnesses, made sure the spotlight never ceased
to follow her. Before her death, she had appeared in over 70 movies and
was a frontrunner in many humanitarian causes, including a fight
against AIDS.

She married eight
times in her lifetime and had four children. She was also known as a
good friend to the late Pop music legend, Michael Jackson.

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ON WATCH: Nigeria’s strength amid African unrest

ON WATCH: Nigeria’s strength amid African unrest

The upheaval that is sweeping across North Africa does not have a predictable outcome.

US Secretary of State Clinton was recently
praising Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak as a loyal friend. In 2009
Clinton said, “I really consider President and Mrs. Mubarak to be
friends of my family.” But it seems 30 years of Mubarak was enough for
the people of Egypt.

Secretary Clinton holds a similar view of Gabon’s
President Ali Bongo Ondimba, a “valued partner.” The US supported Ali’s
father Omar who led the country for 43 years before handing over to
Ali. A US Senate report released in February 2010 noted that both
President Omar Bongo and his son Ali have amassed “substantial wealth
while in office, amid the extreme poverty of its citizens.”

Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi must be wondering
what has gone wrong this last week. Widespread uprisings have seen
Gaddafi retreat from the Libyan capital amid brutal repression of
protesters. He too has recently been hailed as a “friend of the West”
with visits from former British Prime Minister Tony Blair, French
President Nicolas Sarkozy and Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi.
It seems the Libyan people have decided that 40 years of Gaddafi is
enough and they are not interested in continuing the reign through
Gaddafi’s son.

Even Saddam Hussein was greeted warmly by Donald
Rumsfeld in the 1980s at a time when Saddam was known to have abused
the human rights of his citizens, and possessed and used chemical
weapons on Iranians and his own people. Directives signed by President
Reagan reveal the specific U.S. priorities for the region: preserving
access to oil, expanding U.S. ability to project military power in the
region, and protecting local allies from internal and external threats.
Not much has changed.

Closer to home Liberia was saddled with Charles
Taylor whose close connections with the US ensured he would assume
power and amass considerable wealth. Unfortunately but not
unexpectedly, Charles Taylor’s presidency came at the expense of the
citizens of Liberia who suffered unspeakable human rights abuses at
Taylor’s hands.

Saddam Hussein’s close association with the US was
much like the association between Charles Taylor and the US. Both men
assumed power with the assistance of the US. But, like other US
“friends”, priorities change and friendships soured.

It is little wonder that the citizens of these
countries who have lived under repressive regimes for 30 or 40 years
rise up to throw out such dictatorial, self serving rulers who amass
staggering wealth at the expense of the citizens who often suffered
human rights abuses.

This is the global context to Nigeria’s evolution
as a democratic nation. We hear of many complaints about Nigeria but
there is an abundance of evidence that Nigeria continues to make
progress towards a robust democratic nation. To declare a nation a
democracy can be done in a moment but to demonstrate deeply rooted
democratic instruments of government such as free and fair elections,
transparency in revenue streams from the Federal Government to State
and Local Governments and a judiciary above corruption takes many years
and in many cases a generation. A strong democracy does not come easily
or quickly.

Nigeria is making its own way in the world. It is
not captive of western power brokers seeking oil or a base from which
to project military power. In part this is because Nigeria is as much
Muslim as it is Christian. In part this is also because no one tribe,
political or religious faction has been allowed to dominate. The
jostling of political parties and candidates for the presidency which
often attracts condemnation and can be mistaken for instability is a
dynamic that ensures for every check there is a counter check. This is
a self-correcting mechanism, which nations such as Libya, Egypt, Iraq,
Iran, Bahrain and Tunisia have lacked.

All levels of Nigerian society are engaged in the
politics of their state and nation. The poorest people have opinions on
political parties and candidates every bit as strong and informed as
those of the wealthy and well positioned. This is a robust polity that
will not easily surrender to outsiders.

Nigeria belongs to Nigerians and this is the way it should remain.

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DEEPENING DEMOCRACY: Checkmating errant political parties

DEEPENING DEMOCRACY: Checkmating errant political parties

Nigeria’s 63
registered political parties turned up at an event organised by INEC
and the International Republican Institute on March 8. The objective
was for all the political parties in the country to sign the Code of
Conduct they had jointly developed with the electoral commission. This
Code was a considerable improvement over the one which political
parties signed in 2007, which unfortunately was obeyed more in the
breach than in practice.

The Code obliges
parties to eschew violence, abusive and hate language in their
interactions. It constrains them to abide strictly by the Electoral Act
in ensuring internal party democracy in their operations. By signing
the Code, parties would undertake to adhere to outcomes of primaries
they have conducted, and not substitute names of winners with people
who had not contested or won.

The Code also has
clear stipulations that parties who enjoy incumbency should not abuse
their powers by preventing opposition parties from freely campaigning
in their states, displaying their posters and signboards and having
access to radio and television. Indeed, the Code is clear that there
must be a distinct separation between party and government, so parties
that control governments must not use such powers to oppress their
political opponents. All governments must serve all members of their
communities, whatever their political affiliations.

These are great
principles which I admire enormously. Indeed, in my goodwill message to
the meeting, I congratulated INEC and the parties for developing such
noble principles. I pointed out, however, that the results of the party
primaries demonstrated clearly that the parties operated in flagrant
disobedience of the Electoral Act 2010 as amended, and that if they
would not obey a law that has clear sanctions, they were unlikely to
take the Code and its injunctions seriously.

My argument was
that there is a missing link. Political parties do not respect voters
and party members for the simple reason that they know that citizens
either do not, or more likely, cannot sanction them for their
transgressions. It is only when the votes count and voters can sanction
parties for their acts of commission and omission that things will
begin to change. It is interesting that only 46 out of the 63
registered political parties agreed to sign the Code of Conduct. Some
of them complained that the Code is focused only on the behaviour of
political parties without corresponding undertakings by INEC that it
would change its ways and stop rigging elections. In their complaints,
they drew attention to the fact that we now have it on judicial
evidence that INEC was an active participant in the organisation of
electoral fraud.

This is true. Be
that as it may, the demand by some of the party leaders that INEC
should meet with them regularly, without the mediation of international
organisations to discuss problems, is completely legitimate. I urge
Attahiru Jega to take this request seriously and devote more time to
conversations and negotiations with the parties.

On the substance,
however, the law has already provided sufficient rules to govern the
conduct of INEC, and what remains is for the leadership of INEC under
Professor Jega and the law enforcement mechanism to monitor and report
transgressions by INEC officials. In other words, the 17 parties that
refused to sign were misguided in their actions. The idea of the code
of conduct is for them to voluntarily adhere to the highest standards
of electoral conduct so that Nigerians can see that they are opting for
appropriate standards of political behaviour.

The day after the Code of Conduct launching, the Murtala Mohammed
Foundation organised a policy dialogue for presidential candidates in
Abuja. In his session, Pat Utomi alleged that the Jonathan/Sambo
campaign organisation spends N100 million every day from public
resources, for their campaign. He castigated those of us in civil
society for not monitoring and challenging this insidious form of
corruption. He was a bit unfair to us. We all suspect a lot of the
campaign money is from public coffers. It is, however, difficult to
prove it and many of us are afraid of making allegations we cannot
substantiate. Nuhu Ribadu was also impressive at the Murtala Mohammed
Forum. In his usual fiery language, he assured the audience that if he
wins the elections, even his friends in the Action Congress of Nigeria
who are proven to have been corrupt, will go to jail. There will be no
sacred cows, he assured Nigerians.

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FRANKLY SPEAKING: Random musings on the Buhari manifesto

FRANKLY SPEAKING: Random musings on the Buhari manifesto

The manifesto of
presidential candidate, Muhammadu Buhari, and his running mate, Tunde
Bakare, encapsulates the belief that the country’s missing ingredient
for the greatness so passionately sought by many Nigerians, is a few
good people. It is not surprising, I suppose, from a man who justified
his self-invitation to lead a country on the grounds that its leaders
were hopelessly corrupt, waged a war against indiscipline only to be
defeated by other military officers who expected the rhetoric of
incorruptibility to remain rhetoric. That his running mate is a former
barrister clothed in theological garb reinforces the image of
incorruptibility projected by this presidential team of the Congress
for Progressive Change. Major-General Buhari’s manifesto is the most
concrete of the Nigerian ones I have studied, about how to reduce
corruption, and one of the vaguest about how precisely to improve the
lot of the ordinary person.

It starts with
linguistic flourish: “Every country has its ‘lost generation’. Some
were stolen away by war, some by economic downturns, and some by
visionless governments. Nigeria is perhaps the only one stolen by too
much power, money, leisure and privilege.” I must confess that I have
never associated life in Nigeria with a surfeit of leisure. Life seems
to be a perpetual grind for too many people. Then, it proceeds to its
diagnosis and prescriptions. Mr. Buhari intends to reform politics and
governance by amending Nigeria’s “Constitution to remove immunity from
prosecution for elected officers in criminal cases.” He plans also to
restructure government into a lean organism. To stimulate transparency,
all governmental contracts exceeding N100 million are to be published
in all media, a freedom of information bill granting individuals the
right to state data is to be enacted, and all minutes of local
government meetings are to be published.

A Conflict
Resolution Commission is to be established to “help prevent, mitigate
and resolve civil conflicts within the polity” and permanent peace is
to be brought to the Niger Delta, Plateau and other troubled zones. Mr.
Buhari offers no explanation whatsoever about how such a desirable
outcome is to be accomplished. His explanation-devoid style of promises
extends into the economic arena. Nigeria’s gross domestic product is
set to grow at 10 per cent per annum. How? With what inflation target?
Or national savings rate? I was impressed by the promise of
implementing a national identification scheme to enable the informal
economy to be merged into the formal economy. Without answers to those
questions, this wish is a mere dream. I was impressed by the promise of
implementing a national identification scheme to enable the informal
economy to be merged into the formal economy. India is in the midst of
issuing universal identity numbers to each of its 1.2 billion
residents, based on unique biometrics markers such as fingerprints.
Nigeria should be able to emulate India.

Another proposal
that would have substantial benefits for Nigerians is that of creating
a national electronic land title register. The inability of farmers to
specify precisely the contours of their holdings inhibits their ability
to raise capital from formal financial institutions. It is no
coincidence that the most productive farmers on earth — American
farmers — have mortgages covering most of their farmland. If only the
same could be said of Nigeria’s farmers! Mr. Buhari did not disappoint
by failing to pledge to triple Nigeria’s power supply. All Presidential
candidates must throw out a huge number in the electricity generation
industry. The balance of his manifesto is full of the usual
developmental bromides populating Nigerian presidential manifestos:
pass swiftly the Petroleum Industry Bill; raise the federal budgetary
allocation for education or open six new grand health or educational
facilities. Mr. Buhari intends to open six new science and technology
universities. Nollywood will receive some sort of assistance. The
environment seems to be dear to his heart. He plans to encourage the
planting of lots of new trees to arrest the spread of the Sahara desert.

There is little doubt of Mr. Buhari’s patriotism. Yet, some
omissions left me unhappy. The promise of N30 billion for the farming
sector reveals little ambition for that sector. There is tremendous
growth of income and employment there. For example, by designing a
system of combining road, rail, and sea transport and technical farming
expertise, landlocked and arid Mali was able to increase its mango
exports by 1,042 per cent between 1993 and 2008 and boost rural income.
What Mali has done, Nigeria can surpass! There were no proposals to
simplify the conduct of formal business in Nigeria. Corruption withers
in a slimming state. In sum, this is not the manifesto for a vibrant
Nigeria.

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SECTION 39: An informed choice

SECTION 39: An informed choice

With the 2011
elections now entering end game phase, the debating season is upon us.
I had the opportunity of participating in a slightly different forum
for candidates: the one organised by the Murtala Muhammed Foundation as
a policy dialogue for some of the leading contenders for the office of
President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Of the five invited
candidates, only three made it. There will be other platforms for
presidential candidates to be assessed, culminating in the presidential
debates at the end of the month. This is being organised by a coalition
of media and civil society organisations, headed by the Broadcasting
Organisation of Nigeria and the Newspaper Proprietors Association of
Nigeria. But if it happens that, of the many independent fora
available, we reach voting day on April 9 without having seen anything
more of the candidates than at venues and presentations arranged and
packaged by the candidates themselves or their political parties, rest
assured that my vote won’t be going to any of those who are ‘too big’
to stoop to conquer.

Rest assured? The
automatic response of most politickers and candidates is that,
actually, they weren’t all that worried about my vote; that all the
grammar and stuff about issues is not where the votes are to be had.
Even the thinking candidates will confess that if they don’t do all
those things that the thinking voter finds irrelevant, irritating or
downright infuriating (read ‘mass’ rallies, pasting posters and the
continuous — interminable — broadcast of the aforementioned ‘mass’
rallies on terrestrial television stations) then it’s as good as saying
that they are not seriously ‘on ground’.

It’s partly
because of turf wars: this is my territory. That is why some governors,
particularly in the ruling People’s Democratic Party, are determined to
prevent the opposition from holding any rally or meeting in their
states, with a variety of excuses that are as lame and insulting to the
intelligence as they are specious and immoral. The sad thing is that
the security agencies, who ought to be neutral in these matters,
willingly connive at the claims that ‘security couldn’t be guaranteed’.
The amusing thing is that such measures, designed to convey strength
and confidence, carry the whiff of desperation and fear.

The opposition, no
less determined to mark out their own turf, can hardly prevent Mr.
President from arriving in a cloud of heat, dust and traffic jams to
visit traditional rulers and hold rallies. So they have to be a bit
more creative: witness the Action Congress of Nigeria’s four
counter-rallies that coincided with Goodluck Jonathan’s descent on
Lagos on March 1. There’s also the less creative low-tech approach of
defacing or tearing down the other side’s posters.

With so much time
and money devoted to this brouhaha, it is not surprising that some
candidates are reluctant to expose themselves to the (relatively mild)
rigours of public debate, especially with people who aren’t begging
them for one favour or other. In the past, those who stood aloof did so
to convey the message that they were too big and too important to stand
on the same level as other supplicants for the peoples’ votes. Victory
is already ‘in the bag’, went the thinking, and all we need is some
shows of strength so that we can justify the landslide victory that we
intend to write for ourselves.

And since the fear
of the ‘wasted vote’ and anxiety to be on the ‘winning side’
(irrespective of a voter’s actual preferences and invisibility to the
subsequent victor) is still well-entrenched in our political culture,
it is inevitable that much of the campaign will consist of: I am
wonderful, I have done wonderful things, We Go WIN. So you might as
well vote for me.

But as the culture
of candidate debates grows, a refusal to take part on the same terms as
other contestants conveys a different message to the intended one. When
even some state governors are ready to engage in informative debate,
doubts arise about those who claim to be ‘too busy’. Suspicions
crystallise that they are afraid to participate either because scrutiny
of their record by other contestants might reveal that they lack even
any policies, let alone achievements; or because, shielded by the
soothing flattery of hangers-on and supplicants, they have forgotten
that they are mere mortals and now risk exposing themselves as
incoherent, empty and vain. Or worse.

I make no apology for belonging to the class of voters who want
something more than ‘We Go WIN’, even if only for reassurance that
candidates aren’t complete duds. It’s true that debates are a
performance, but I want to see how they perform. I want to see how
people who want to be president stand up to scrutiny and a bit of
pressure. There are more voters like me in this election than there
were in the last. And there will be more in the next. So election
debates — giving us something with which to make an informed choice —
that’s a culture candidates had better get used to.

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