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ENVIRONMENTAL FOCUS: Life as a child under colonial rule (II)

ENVIRONMENTAL FOCUS: Life as a child under colonial rule (II)

“But they were ready before you!” Snapped my father angrily,
early on March, 6, 1957.

I had innocently asked: “But Dad, why did the Gold Coast get
independence before us?” There are two tiny sovereign nations, Benin and Togo,
hanging like strips of spaghetti on the map between Ghana and Nigeria. Yet,
Nigerians feel their real neighbours are Ghana. A bonding factor of colonial
experience in the way we relate to other nationals is pervasive. So, we compare
and measure ourselves with Ghana all the time – in politics and economics,
football and highlife music, education and fashion, cocoa and now oil. Luckily,
it has been healthy rivalry tinged with mutual respect, unlike the state of
affairs with our brothers to the east. Nigeria and Cameroon nearly went to war
over the Bakassi peninsula, even though ethnographically, we are closer to
Cameroon than to Ghana.

I sometimes ask what matrix or criteria are used in measuring
the Ghana-Nigeria competition, but all I hear is a savage rebuke: “Go to Ghana
and see!” Clearly, we live in a comparative world. Physics, biology, geography
and many more subjects have their comparative modules. Every life process is
compared with the other. Yet, in most cases, there is no linearity, no
parameter applied in arriving at judgmental conclusions. Our world subsists on
subjectivity, parochialism, unnecessary competition and naked prejudice.

Meeting the Queen

James Robertson replaced John Macpherson at the Marina as the
ruler of Nigeria, and had the honour of welcoming Queen Elizabeth II to Lagos.
I’ve never seen a human with a head as massive as the new governor-general’s.
He looked like an ox, and I almost ran away in horror the day he visited our
school.

Queen Elizabeth II stepped out to be confronted by the
regimental band of the Nigerian Army that could not have looked smarter and
more professional. They smashed out God Save the Queen, before advancing
through a series of Prussian martial tunes on to the lilting Blue Bells of
Scotland and the melodious Old Calabar. It was a sunny day. A broad Union Jack,
one of the most beautiful flags in the world, fluttered gracefully in the sea
breeze of Lagos. The impressive Royal Yacht Britannia bobbed and bubbled on
anchor in the murky waters of Lagos harbour.

Elizabeth’s visit in 1956 was not the first by a royal to
Nigeria. Her uncle, Edward, the Prince of Wales, was here for a week in April,
1925. I heard stories about him from my parents that he was handsome. They did
not tell me about the king’s huge appetite for married women. There was genuine
fear in England that he was going to turn Buckingham Palace into a brothel.
Eventually, Edward VIII abdicated in 1936 after just one year on the throne,
when the British government objected to his marrying Wallis Simpson, an American
divorcee. She had two living ex-husbands! My mother thought it was great and
gallant for a king to leave his throne in order to marry the woman he loved. My
father just shrugged and withheld his opinion. I asked to know what a
“divorcee” was, but got slapped down by my parents.

What didn’t we see in the way of automobiles during the Queen’s
visit – Rolls-Royce, Bentley, Armstrong-Siddeley, Austin Princess and Daimler!
A Roll-Royce epitomises everything that imperial splendour and authority
represents – silence, reverence, dignity, austerity and quality. But of all the
cars I saw in colonial Nigeria, none impressed me more than the Humber Super
Snipe.

I’ve not seen one again since 1953. A shame the British car
industry doesn’t exist anymore! In her farewell speech, the embryonic Nigerian
Army was re-christened the Queens’s Own Nigeria Regiment by Elizabeth herself.
They were terrific when it came to ceremonial occasions; the soldiers all the
same height – slim, very dark, with slightly bowed legs. Each soldier looked
like the twin of the subaltern next to him. The regiment, in heavily-starched
Bermuda shorts, marched in step like mechanised toys. Not a single Nigerian
soldier at ceremonial parades in those days had a pot belly balanced on K-legs.

“Regiment,” which insinuates command subsidiarity or a component
of a larger unit, attracted criticism in Nigeria. The army of an independent
Nigeria was not going to be something like the Scottish or Welsh Regiment
within the UK armed forces. So, a change was effected to the Royal Nigeria Army
(RNA) under the last British commander, Major-General Welby-Everard.

I hear it said now and again that the most efficient black
soldier is the one commanded by a white officer? True or false, this naïve
belief could have contributed to the downfall of Nkrumah and Abubakar Tafawa
Balewa. One cardinal error the two men made was to retain their British chiefs
of staff, well into independence.

Despite open warnings from Tawia Adamafio in Ghana and Azikiwe
in Nigeria,

Major-Generals Alexander and Welby-Everard remained in charge of
the Ghana and Nigeria armies until 1961 and 1965 respectively. The two Britons
could not have done a good job. Once they left, the armies rebelled!

Champion of the world

“They said that Bassey has knocked him down! The commentator
said the man has got up! I’m not sure what they’re saying now. Eh-hem, now they
said the man is bleeding from the nose. I think the referee is stopping the
fight!” We didn’t wait for a confirmation, screaming, hugging one another, jumping
about like kangaroos. It had been a live commentary of the live commentary on
the night of June 24, 1957 at Uyo.

Our small, robust radio set was never loud enough. Someone, a
second commentator, had to stick an ear close enough to it for better audio,
and then translate the actual commentary to the rest of us. Over 50 people
crowded around this unreliable radio set on that night at the hall of the TTC,
the Teacher’s Training College.

Nigeria’s Hogan Bassey was fighting Cherif Hamia, the French
Algerian for the Featherweight Championship of the World in Paris. Tears still
well into my eyes today when I recall the Daily Times front-page headline of
the next morning that simply read, “Hogan Bassey, Champion of the World!” The
1950s were the golden period for black people in international sports. To my
generation of Nigerians, sports remain the ethos around which our lives are
built. When, in 1958, I returned from the interview for admission into Umuahia
Government College, my father was waiting anxiously, pacing about like a caged
lion on the platform at Aba Railway Station.

“So, how did it go? What questions did they ask you?” I told him
there were three white men:

the principal, Mr. Wareham; Mr. Wilson and Mr. Garrod. After
they confirmed my name, place and date of birth, Mr. Wareham began seriously,
that he had heard I played cricket, and did I know cricket was played at
Umuahia College? Would I continue to play if admitted? It was like a crown
counsel cross-examining a criminal. I answered the questions timidly, but in
the affirmative. The three men looked at each other, and then asked me to call
the next candidate. It had been such a brief encounter I thought something had
gone wrong, and these white men didn’t want to waste their time with me. On the
short train ride from Umuahia to Aba, I sat somewhat dejected.

“Ahhh,” concluded my father, “then you’ve passed!” How? It was
in 1952, when my father was at University College, London and he sent two
cricket bats, a ball and some linseed oil to condition the bats, through the
district officer of Owerri, Mr. Mann to my brother and me. It resulted from a
letter my mother wrote to him that we used the branches of coconut trees for a
bat, and old tennis balls to play cricket. My brother got into Umuahia in 1954 and
was regular in the first team by 1958. The news about a younger brother, still
in primary school, who could use a cricket bat, had filtered into the school.

I kept a scrap book in which sports clippings from the Daily
Times, the West African Pilot, the overseas Daily Mirror and Illustrated London
News were stuck. There is no doubt in my mind over who qualifies to be the most
celebrated Nigerian footballer of all time – Teslim Balogun! He was, simply,
Thunder Balogun to everyone and for a striker to bear such a frightening name
speaks volumes of his exploits, and how goal-keepers must have suffered.

Three important landmark records made the 1950s memorable for me: that West
Indian side with Frank Worrell, Everton Weekes and Clyde Walcott beat England
in a cricket test series, winning at Lords, the cricket citadel; Brazil won the
football Jules Rimet trophy ( the FIFA World Cup) in 1958. There were black
players in their team – Pele, Didi, Djalma Santos and Garrincha. In the same
year, the West Indian, Garry Sobers set a world batting record of 365 not out
against Pakistan. It was a wonderful decade!

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Africa receives $40bn in remittances in 2010

Africa receives $40bn in remittances in 2010

African immigrants sent home over $40 billion (N6 trillion) in
remittances last year, according to a new joint report by the World Bank and
African Development Bank. This figure is down from $41 billion in 2008 and just
over US$38 million in 2009, according to a similar report last year.

The report which cover remittances from OECD ( Organisation for
Economic Co-operation and Development comprising Eastern and Western Europe,
advanced Asian and South American economies) countries and transfers from other
African countries such as South Africa, also shows the pattern of disbursement
of these transfer of funds. “Data from household surveys reveal that households
receiving international remittances from OECD countries have been making
productive investments in land, housing, businesses, farm improvements,
agricultural equipment, and so on.” It added that many migrants transfer funds
to households in origin countries for the purpose of investment. Thirty six
percent in Burkina Faso, 55 percent in Kenya, 57 percent in Nigeria, 15 percent
in Senegal, and 20 percent in Uganda.

Investing significantly

According to the report, “households receiving transfers from
other African countries are also investing a significant share in business
activities, housing, and other investments in Kenya (47 percent), Nigeria (40
percent), Uganda (19.3 percent), and Burkina Faso (19.0 percent).” Education
was the second-highest use of remittances from outside Africa into Nigeria and
Uganda, the third highest into Burkina Faso, and the fourth highest into Kenya.

The report titled, ‘Leveraging Migration for Africa:
Remittances, Skills, and Investments’ added that the annual estimated saving,
usually held in foreign countries, by Africans exceeds $50 billion. “African
governments need to strengthen ties between Diaspora and home countries,
protect migrants, and expand competition in remittance markets,” said Dilip
Ratha, main author of the report and lead economist at the World Bank.
“Otherwise, the potential of migration for Africa remains largely untapped.”
The World Bank said African countries should begin to consider issuing Diaspora
bonds, which are sold by governments or private companies to nationals living
abroad, a concept that has been utilised in tapping into assets of Israeli and
Indian citizens living abroad.

The report estimates that Nigerian emigrants save about $3.5
billion annually, as at 2009, a figure which represents about 2 per cent of the
country’s gross domestic product. “Most of these savings are invested in the
host countries of the Diaspora. It is plausible that a fraction of these
savings could be attracted as investment in Africa if African countries
designed proper instruments and incentives,” the report added.

Diaspora bonds

According to Ratha¸ Sub-Saharan African countries can
potentially raise $5-$10 billion a year in Diaspora bonds. Countries with large
diasporas in high-income countries that can potentially issue its bonds include
Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Liberia, Nigeria, Senegal, Uganda, and Zambia in
Sub-Saharan Africa and Egypt, Morocco, and Tunisia in North Africa.

“Diaspora bonds can be sold globally through national and
international banks and money transfer companies. They can be marketed through
churches, community groups, ethnic newspapers, stores, and hometown
associations in countries and cities where large numbers of migrants reside.”
Ronan McCaughey of the Laferty Group, a United Kingdom-based financial research
and advisory services firm, said remittances are important determinants of
growth in West African countries. ‘‘Especially in construction and real estate,
and are a major source of household income and financing,” he said in an email
response.

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‘Nigeria spent N300bn on technology transfer agreements in 10 years’

‘Nigeria spent N300bn on technology transfer agreements in 10 years’

In this interview, the director general of the National Office
for Technology Acquisition and Promotion (NOTAP), says billions of naira are
spent annually not only on imports but also on technology transfer agreements,
adding that indigenous technologies can be veritable job creation tools.
Excerpts:

Educational institutions
should give Nigeria better technologies

No country that is modern, productive and has got visibility
that is not strong in science and technology. Nigeria cannot be different. All
the classification you have like first world, second, third world countries or
least developing countries is actually geared on the energy of science and
technology. Poor countries are those that cannot utilise their mental capacity
to take advantage of the opportunities available to them.

In our hospitals most medicines are imported, the equipment are
imported; in the banking sector most of our software is foreign software from
Oracle, Microsoft, Finacle and based on the work of others. Also if you look at
our industries, nearly one hundred per cent of the facilities, the machinery,
the know-how, the processes are all based on foreign technology. Therefore, it
is important for us to ensure that internally too, we domesticate these things.

We have the knowledge
infrastructure

Nigeria has a lot of universities, about 104 universities, 125
polytechnics and 500 research, development and implementation institutions at
federal government level, alone with over 100 colleges of education, yet we do
not have the technological capacity to drive our industries. We are not able to
feed our country with our own rice. We have land; we have water but do not have
the technology to produce our own rice. Even if we have, we are not using the
skill and know-how we need to look at our own herbs medicinal roots and process
it to drugs is what we do not have. So this office (NOTAP) is the one that
looks at all these.

If you open your gate as a country for people to bring in their
technology, money and know-how to come and make more money in your country and
depart, you are not doing well. What you should do is to use a magnate to
capture their technology and managerial know how and be made better. The
graduates from our institutions are those magnates, but if the magnates are bad
what can we do? So the education system has to push it. By now it should be Nigerians
exploring our oil, designing our refineries. By now we should not allow one
drop of crude to leave; let us refine them in this country. That is where the
jobs are but we are not taking this opportunity. NOTAP tries to reduce the gap
between our industries and our knowledge system. As we speak now, the gap is
too wide. Industry is looking at a different direction; hardly will you go to
our industries and see they are employing PhD holders. Here we are on the
consuming mode, consuming the research and output of other people. We have to
reverse.

NOTAP-Industry Research
Fund

NOTAP has this year made it absolutely clear to industries that
every industry operating in Nigeria, local, multinational, enterprises having a
fair amount of shareholding by foreigners must also have the interest of
Nigeria technologically. And therefore, I am happy to report to you that after
the conference we had in Lagos with manufacturing industries, we have decided
to establish NOTAP-Industry research fund. This is fund whereby industries will
now contribute money into so that we can use it to train PhDs. We believe that
is the innovative population that we need: practical, highly skilled manpower
for Nigeria, so that we too can start looking at technology we require to move
our country forward.

I have gotten commitment of about N200 million. With this we can
train more than 400 PhD holders. We are targeting first class honours that will
research in areas that are important to industries. Contributions have started coming
gradually. Secondly, for every manufacturing company that we are working with,
we have also an attempt to narrow the gap between the industry and the academia
and launched what we called Industry Educational Technology Programme. One of
the things we would do on this is to go to an industry, understudy what they do
and then produce a process graphics.

For example, we all eat Maggi from Nestle but do not know what
it is made of. The major ingredient for Maggi is soya beans. Our children know
soya beans, on the other side they see Maggi but do not know the link so we
told Nestle (Maggi producers) to give us the process pictorially from cleaning
the soya beans using machines, to formation, drying, grinding, mixing and
wrapping. These pictures are taken to primary schools and we will use them to
educate our children. The same we did with Nido. Children cannot connect cow
with Nido. We are doing the same with cement companies, the plastics,
Friesland, all the branded companies in Nigeria, we have requested the
companies to produce them for us. We will produce one million copies of each
and distribute to our primary and secondary schools free of charge. We make
sure that we train the teachers, so that we can now breed them from the bottom
that science is the way to go. We want to see kids in primary school say I want
to be a rich man because I can produce Maggi. I know how it is being done.

Technology transfer
agreement costs

Based on our registration process for these technology transfer
agreement, we have saved this country N25bn in ten years. There are some
companies that will come and would want to operate in Nigeria and take hard
currency for technology in a very shoddy manner. Sometimes the technologies are
not that costly but they are charging Nigeria high, so in this office we cut
it. There are some technologies that are old that we are not even supposed to
pay for and when we see it in the agreement, we cancel those agreement. Through
this process of reduction and cancellation, in the last ten years alone we have
saved this country billions, monies that would have left Nigeria to pay for
technologies we don’t even need. We are continuing on refining this process,
that we can only pay for technology that we require and we can gradually ensure
that as Nigerian engineers become better, this agreement will be less because I
can tell you that by law, any job that can be done by Nigerian is not supposed
to be done by anybody coming from outside.

From our record Nigeria has also spent over N300bn on technology
transfer agreement fees in the past 10 years also. This is primarily on
consultancy and software transferred to Nigeria. We are trying to digitise the
whole process so that at the punch of a button I can tell you not just what has
been remitted and how much but only sector by sector.

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Shekarau’s economic blueprint

Shekarau’s economic blueprint

The economic plans of the presidential candidate of the All
Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), Ibrahim Shekarau, for Nigeria, as stated in the
party’s manifesto, are clear and developmental initiatives, but while some
finance analysts believe that those plans are achievable, others say they are
unrealistic and are mere campaign proposals.

According to ANPP’s manifesto, Mr. Shekarau, who is the current
governor of Kano State, will provide for Nigerians social and infrastructural
development through “good and well-managed economic policy” which will lead to
a developed society.

The ANPP said it will manage with enhanced transparency the
foreign exchange earning potentials such as petroleum, solid minerals and other
capital yielding products in other sectors, adding that commercialisation and
privatisation of mining operations will be encouraged while joint venture
arrangements between local and foreign investors will be vigorously pursued.
“Proper economic management includes giving priority attention to economic
resources development, diversification and protection,” it said.

Akinbade Ibisiola, a finance analyst at Resource Cap Company, a
fund management firm, said although he really did not know much about Mr.
Shekarau before the recent debate in which the candidate participated, “but he
won my heart that day. He spoke confidently and eloquently on his plans and
appeared like a man of his words who is prepared to rule this country with some
level of knowledge of the system. I think, if given a chance, he can give the
kind of leadership Nigeria needs and improve on the sorry-state of the
economy.”

Meanwhile, David Amaechi, a market analyst and an executive
member of the Shareholders Association of Nigeria, said Mr. Shekarau’s plans
for the economy is not “convincing.” He added that “With the current state of
development in Kano, the state he (Mr. Shekarau) led since 2003, it is obvious
that he has little to offer Nigeria as a whole. You cannot compare what is
happening in states like Lagos and Cross River with Kano in terms of
development,” he said.

However, Magret Asinobi, a jewellery dealer, who travels to Kano
occasionally for businesses, said Mr. Shekarau has done a lot for the people of
the state as against what some people believe. “He has really tried to reduce
poverty there and made going to school attractive for his people; may be
because he was once a teacher,” Ms. Asinobi said, adding that Mr. Shekarau has
also improved the level of social reorientation and security in Kano.

Energy sector

In the mean time, the ANPP said the chaotic state of the energy
sector has forced the national economic growth into a state of inertia thereby
stalling productivity and creating an unprecedented state of unemployment. The
party believes that the development of the industrial sector is the only answer
to the high cost of essential goods even in areas of food, medicine and
textile. “Conscious that a functional energy sector is the foundation of
sustainable development of our economy, ANPP in government would prioritise and
pursue a very aggressive result-oriented energy policy with a view to improving
upon the current state of electricity supply within six months of inception,
and achieving at least seventy-five percent steady power supply within two
years of inception,” the party said.

The ANPP also said it will wage a total war on corruption and
indiscipline through internal scrutiny of elected and appointed political
officers in order to lead by example. It added that it will also launch a war
against hunger and close monitoring of the application of Agricultural credits
and subsidies. The party, however, failed to give strategies on how it intend
to achieve housing issues as it only said it “will strive to provide a housing
policy that is common man friendly.” Beyond these promises, analysts say Mr.
Shekarau and his party have not adequately provided enough facts and figures as
to how to achieve the goals stated in the manifesto.

TOMORROW: Jonathan’s
economic agenda

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Central Bank closer to target on bad debts

Central Bank closer to target on bad debts

The Central Bank of Nigeria, yesterday, said it is closer to
achieving its target ratio of less than 5 percent of nonperforming loans in the
country’s financial sector, with the successful acquisition of all bad debts of
the 21 banks by the Asset Management Company of Nigeria.

The bank’s deputy governor, Banking Supervision, Sam Oni, told
journalists at the end of the 302nd meeting of the Bankers’ Committee in Abuja
that “the purchase of all nonperforming loans of all the banks has effectively
restructured the balance sheets of all the banks, making them healthy and
competitive.” “The quality of the banks’ balance sheets is very high,” he said.

“Our target is to ensure that by the time the second round of
the exercise is completed, the nonperforming loans ratio in the country’s
financial sector should not exceed five percent. The CBN is encouraging banks
to fully charge off all those nonperforming loans that have been fully
provisioned to make their balance sheets very healthy and competitive. This is
a good development to further de-risk the financial system, make it stable and
ensure that the confidence that has been restored is sustained, to propel the
industry to greater heights.”

During the first round of the purchase, the asset company
restricted its attention to margin lending by the intervening banks from where
acquired over N1.036 trillion bad debts. However, in the second phase of the
exercise, the company issued additional N500 billion (about $3.3 billion) in
zero-coupon bonds to clear up the remaining bad debts by March 31.

The committee, which also reviewed progress by the various
interventions programmes by the Central Bank to strengthen the economy,
indicated that the percentage contribution, in terms of loans to the
agricultural sector to total industry loans, has doubled from 1 percent to more
than 2 percent in recent times. This was attributed to the commitment
demonstrated by all the banks to be more supportive to the growth of the real
sector, through the establishment of an agriculture desk to handle agricultural
loans in line with an action plan established two years ago for economic
development.

The criticisms

Two years ago, the banks came under serious criticisms that they
were not doing enough to support the real sector, particularly those critical
to the growth of the economy, particularly agriculture, transport, aviation,
railway, power as well as small and medium enterprises. Managing Director,
First City Monument Bank, Ladi Balogun, said that the industry would witness
rapid growth in banks’ participation in lending to the agricultural sector once
the central bank commences the Nigerian Incentive-based Risks Sharing System
for agricultural lending in the country.

Mr Balogun said several key projects have taken off in the power, and
transport sector as well as the SMEs through the various intervention funds
channelled through the Bank of Industry, in line with the objective of the
banking sector to support the real sector and ensure that those critical to the
growth of the economy received adequate funding. On the industry shared service
projects, indications were that significant progress in the various areas,
including industry-wide cash handling and electronic banking services as well
as IT standardization system by encouraging more of electronic banking, to
facilitate greater efficiency and help manage costs as well as reduce the use
of cash in transactions.

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Tribute to Ulli Beier

Tribute to Ulli Beier

Ulli Beier, 88,
the man who was the lever on which what became known as Nigerian
literature took its leap into worldwide recognition, died at the
weekend in Sydney, Australia.

Perhaps more than
anyone else, Mr. Beier epitomised the creative spirit and verve of
Nigerian literature. A German, his sojourn in Nigeria pioneered efforts
in making literature, arts and the humanities in general have the solid
intellectual background and ferment that today typifies our art sector.

Born to a father
who was a medical doctor with a passion for the arts, Mr. Beier left
his home country after World War II. He enrolled at the University of
London and got a degree in Phonetics. It was the degree that later led
to his job at the then newly established University College, Ibadan, in
1955. At Ibadan, he began his extensive work on the Nigerian arts.

Mr. Beier
traversed the whole of the south west collecting, stories, folklore,
materials on culture, arts and literature of the people. He was one of
the first to work with the group of the late Duro Ladipo, and was
responsible for bringing the dramatist to the attention of the world.
As part of his labour of love for promoting arts in Nigeria, he founded
Black Orpheus, a literary magazine that was to become a leading
journal, not only in Nigeria, but in Africa and the black world. It was
in this magazine that many of the continent’s leading writers first had
their initial articles exposed to a wider audience.

Such writers as
Wole Soyinka, Chinua Achebe, John Pepper Clark, the late Christopher
Okigbo and others had their first taste of fame in the Black Orpheus.
Mr. Beier later founded Mbari Artists, and Writers Club, Ibadan, which
was used as another launch pad for artists and writers.

Mr. Beier’s
influence on Nigerian and African arts and culture was not limited to
Nigeria. Even after leaving the country, he never stopped promoting our
country’s art. In the early 80s, he was the founder and director of
Iwalewa Haus, an art centre at the University of Bayreuth in Germany.

Through this
centre, many Nigerian artists were able to travel to Germany on
fellowships and exchange programmes which went a long way to hone their
skills and expose them to the European and world audience.

What is today
known as Osogbo Arts was principally owing to the tireless work of Mr.
Beier and his wife at the time, the late Susan Wenger. The couple wrote
their names in the indelible ink of the culture sector in our country.
Mr. Beier, who reportedly learnt English at 28, went on to translate
many Yoruba writers into English and publish several anthologies of
poems and essays.

Many lovers of
Nigerian literature would remember that Mr. Beier wrote a play under
the pseudonym, Obotunde Ijimere. He was tireless and relentless in his
dogged determination that, except for his pigmentation, he could have
passed for a Nigerian. His devotion and commitment to the Yoruba
language is an example to those who think our indigenous languages are
not worth preserving.

What a sad
commentary on the state of affairs in our country, that a man, who did
so much for our arts sector and contributed to its international ascent
and recognition, never got any state recognition by way of a national
honour or mention .

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In Egypt’s democracy, room for Islam

In Egypt’s democracy, room for Islam

Last month, Egyptians approved a
referendum on constitutional amendments that will pave the way for free
elections. The vote was a milestone in Egypt’s emerging democracy after
a revolution that swept away decades of authoritarian rule. But it also
highlighted an issue that Egyptians will grapple with as they
consolidate their democracy: the role of religion in political life.

The vote was preceded by the widespread
use of religious slogans by supporters and opponents of the amendments,
a debate over the place of religion in Egypt’s future Constitution and
a resurgence in political activity by Islamist groups. Egypt is a
deeply religious society, and it is inevitable that Islam will have a
place in our democratic political order. This, however, should not be a
cause for alarm for Egyptians, or for the West.

Egypt’s religious tradition is anchored
in a moderate, tolerant view of Islam. We believe that Islamic law
guarantees freedom of conscience and expression (within the bounds of
common decency) and equal rights for women. And as head of Egypt’s
agency of Islamic jurisprudence, I can assure you that the religious
establishment is committed to the belief that government must be based
on popular sovereignty.

While religion cannot be completely
separated from politics, we can ensure that it is not abused for
political gain. Much of the debate around the referendum focused on
Article 2 of the Constitution – which, in 1971, established Islam as
the religion of the state and, a few years later, the principles of
Islamic law as the basis of legislation – even though the article was
not up for a vote. But many religious groups feared that if the
referendum failed, Egypt would eventually end up with an entirely new
constitution with no such article.

On the other side, secularists feared
that Article 2, if left unchanged, could become the foundation for an
Islamist state that discriminates against Coptic Christians and other
religious minorities.

But acknowledgment of a nation’s
religious heritage is an issue of national identity, and need not
interfere with the civil nature of its political processes. There is no
contradiction between Article 2 and Article 7 of Egypt’s interim
Constitution, which guarantees equal citizenship before the law
regardless of religion, race or creed. After all, Denmark, England and
Norway have state churches, and Islam is the national religion of
politically secular countries like Tunisia and Jordan. The rights of
Egypt’s Christians to absolute equality, including their right to seek
election to the presidency, is sacrosanct.

Similarly, long-suppressed Islamist
groups can no longer be excluded from political life. All Egyptians
have the right to participate in the creation of a new Egypt, provided
that they respect the basic tenets of religious freedom and the
equality of all citizens. To protect our democracy, we must be vigilant
against any party whose platform or political rhetoric threatens to
incite sectarianism, a prohibition that is enshrined in law and in the
Constitution.

Islamists must understand that, in a
country with such diverse movements as the Muslim Brotherhood; the
Wasat party, which offers a progressive interpretation of Islam; and
the conservative Salafi movements, no one group speaks for Islam.

At the same time, we should not be
afraid that such groups in politics will do away with our newfound
freedoms. Indeed, democracy will put Islamist movements to the test;
they must now put forward programs and a political message that appeal
to the Egyptian mainstream. Any drift toward radicalism will not only
run contrary to the law, but will also guarantee their political
marginalization.

Having overthrown the heavy hand of
authoritarianism, Egyptians will not accept its return under the guise
of religion. Islam will have a place in Egypt’s democracy. But it will
be as a pillar of freedom and tolerance, never as a means of oppression.

(Ali Gomaa is the grand mufti of Egypt.)

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SWIMMING AGAINST THE TIDE: The land of too many chances

SWIMMING AGAINST THE TIDE: The land of too many chances

Consider these scenarios:

An employee is
fired for his poor performance on the job, and his lack of integrity.
Two weeks later, he calls his previous employer to ask whether he can
use his/her name as a reference for the application for his next job.
He gets that positive reference.

A CEO is disgraced
out of his role, but immediately finds another high profile role, and
then another and another. The same applies to our political landscape,
as our underachieving rulers continue to reinvent themselves under new
parties and in new roles.

Why do we Nigerians
give each other multiple chances, even when we have demonstrated our
inability to change – or to deliver results – over and over again? From
a very young age, my parents instilled the concept of blacklisting into
me: the belief that through my actions, I could bring disrepute to the
family name. The belief that whatever act I committed would not be
easily forgotten, and that I would not easily get a second chance. The
reverse held true as well – that I would enjoy the benefits of the
goodwill that my parents’ and siblings’ excellent track-records would
bestow on me. Thankfully, I enjoyed and benefited from the later.
People often assumed that I was smart and hardworking, simply because
my parents and two older sisters had proven themselves, over and over
again.

This belief system
in the importance of a track-record was further reinforced during my
university years. As a first year student in the university, the career
counsellors often spoke about the close knit circle in corporate
America, and how easy it was to get blacklisted by all firms, based on
bad behaviour or poor performance at one firm. As students, we studied
the stories of alumni Michael Milken and Joseph Jett who had brought
shame and financial ruin to their companies because of their unethical
behaviours. I remember the mood in the lecture rooms after each of
these sessions, when we often swore to ourselves that we would never
become ‘subject material’ for case studies on ethical failures.

Unfortunately,
there are no similar case studies being conducted in Nigerian schools.
What is it about Nigerians that makes us forgive and forget so easily?

Please, do not tell
me it is our religion! Neither the Bible nor the Koran record examples
of individuals who repeatedly exhibited moral failure and were promoted
to higher positions or reinvented themselves over and over again. Yes,
Jesus instructed his followers to forgive seven times seven a day, and
Saul had a conversion experience, but Jesus and his disciples never
celebrated or promoted mediocrity and immoral behaviour. Please, do not
tell me it is our culture. It is not…or it was not, until we made a
mockery of tradition by putting up chieftaincy titles for sale to the
highest bidder.

A famous idiom
states: ‘Fool me once, shame on you; fool me twice, shame on me!” In
the case of Nigeria, shame on us for being fooled over and over again.

Yes, we need a
national ID system that would prevent people from falling through the
cracks under new identities, and we need strong institutions that can
prosecute and punish offenders, but while we wait for all of these to
take hold, we need to rebuild the fabric of our society, and re-instil
in ourselves and our children the importance of a name – and a
track-record.

Whatever happened
to those songs that we used to sing as children? “Good name is better
than silver or gold, and nobody, nobody, nobody can buy good name!” or
“Ezi o mume Ezi o mume, Ezi o mume, were ezi o mume di ka uwe – Good
behaviour, Good Behaviour, wear it every day, just like you put on your
clothes…”

Let’s not regard this as being too idealistic, or nostalgic. We
should teach our children the importance of a good name, and the
realities of blacklisting. And during the upcoming elections, we should
not give second or third chances to people who have demonstrated their
inability to deliver results.

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S(H)IBBOLETH: A vote against Nigeria

S(H)IBBOLETH: A vote against Nigeria

The ongoing general
elections present another opportunity for Nigerian voters to prove that
they prefer the collective interest of their country to religious,
ethnic, regional, or other sectarian agenda. It is important that
Nigerian voters vote for their country, for its survival, stability,
peace, and progress.

The irony that
Nigerians must deal with, however, is their use of the polls once more
to express their unwillingness to rise above primordial interests,
indeed their unwillingness to bring to an end the culture of voting
against nationhood.

Nigerians want
Nigeria, but it seems their hearts are far from the nation-state. Their
hearts seem to be with their ethnic groups, religions, and regions.
Nigerians, in the ongoing elections, would again pretend to be neutral,
while secretly nursing the hope that nation-state is defeated by the
internal identities they subscribe to. Democratic politics offers them
a wonderful opportunity to be hypocritical, to hunt with the federal
hound while running with the ethno-religious hare.

Any candidate that
hopes to win votes across ethnic lines enlists religion, consolidated
by the notion of region. Is anyone surprised? When ethnicity has an
affair with religion, there are no limits to what they can do to make
sure that their scandalous will is done. The brethren of the faith are
happier that they are kinsmen of the tribe. And the twain shall become
one in an unfortunate political marriage. It tends to make things
easier, helping to resolve the dual moral problem of having to choose
between religious affiliation and ethnicity as deciding factors.

Election victory in
Nigeria is seen as the victory of the group, not really the victory of
a particular candidate, or the victory of the entire society. The group
has been to battle to ‘capture’ Nigeria, and its representative, its
commander, alias election candidate, needs to realise this. Is anyone
surprised that after the election, the elected politicians spend a
greater part of their tenure trying to solve the arithmetic of which
reward is adequate for their ‘immediate constituencies’?

Nigeria, in the
choice ladder of many Nigerians, always comes last, for, like a goat
fed by many, the nation-state is such a bastard that cannot be won over
to love only one feeder. Pastors, imams, traditional rulers, executive
members of unions, and relatives have no right to decide for us the
candidates to vote for. Perhaps the difficulty is that their roles as
gatekeepers in the groups we subscribe to are frequently confused with
their roles in the political lives of other citizens. One is not
surprised that, in trying to influence the political decisions of their
fellow citizens, they present their personal views as the ‘right’ and
therefore imperative paths to be followed by others.

Does one expect any
magic from Nigeria’s general elections? Is it not the same citizens who
practise ethnocentrism at the workplace, in social interactions, even
at their places of worship that would go to the polls to elect
‘credible’ leaders for the country?

If, in ordinary
student union and other elections in Nigerian universities, one finds
that the ethnicity and religious affiliations of candidates are
significant variables, what else does one expect university-based
voters, for instance, to demonstrate when they go to the polls in a
federal election? Even book people like us vote against the survival of
Nigeria sometimes! I really pity Nigeria, for its true nationalism is
starved and will continue to be so for a long time. The nation will
continue to be the casualty of the so-called attempts at redeeming it.
Its carcass will continue to be fed to ravenous ethnic, religious, and
regional hunting hordes.

As long as
Nigerians focus on the ethnic, religious, and regional differences of
candidates, they will continue to vote against the country in
elections. As many Nigerians go out this month to help to ‘capture’
Nigeria for sectarian interests, one must not fail to remind them that
in doing so, they make victims of themselves.

It is a mark of
courage, as well as a highly desirable thing, for one to decide to vote
against the sectarian interests of one’s ethnic group, religion, or
region, or even one’s political party. To vote against ideas that put
Nigeria at the service of the ethnic group, religion, or region, is to
declare one’s genuine democratic freedom.

Seek ye first to topple the secret agenda of your own group as a
Nigerian, and your vote would indeed count as a tool for fixing the
broken-down Nigerian machine.

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