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Umar Ghali Na’Abba
was Speaker of the House of Representatives between 1999-2003, and his
tenure was marked by a trenchant opposition against the policies and
sometimes, the person of the then president, Olusegun Obasanjo. There
were several attempts to impeach him, allegedly sponsored by the
presidency and when he lost re-election in 2003, he blamed his defeat
on a conspiracy among the police, the Independent National Electoral
Commission (INEC) and the state government. He resigned from the
Peoples Democratic Party in 2005, and returned in 2007 after the
leadership of the then Action Congress rejected his bid to be their
governorship candidate in Kano State. His house was recently burnt in
the riots that followed the April presidential election in the North.

What’s the implication of the parliamentary election on the Peoples Democratic Party’s hold on the National Assembly?

The PDP now has a
reduced majority, therefore, if voting is going to be done on party
basis, the PDP may find it difficult to pass some of the bills that the
executive may send.

Are votings usually done on party basis?

When I was in the
National Assembly, there was no occasion that we voted essentially on
party basis. We used to vote according to the needs of the moment and
that encapsulates members from all the parties.

Do you foresee a more vibrant opposition in the National assembly?

It will be
presumptuous of me to declare that the opposition is going to be
vibrant. In the past, the opposition, at the level of the party, had
continually colluded to subvert democracy with the party in power. So
it all depends on how the opposition parties relate with the party in
power.

Do you think that such factors as regionalism will play a greater role than party affiliations?

Regionalism is not
necessarily going to be more powerful. Since 1999, there have been many
occasions when all legislators forgot where they come from and rallied
round to work towards uniting the country. There have been bills passed
based on sheer patriotism. An example is the overriding of the veto of
President Obasanjo over the Niger Delta Development Commission Act in
2000; the killing of the Third Term ambition of the then president, and
so many bills like that.

But of course,
there are moments when regionalism will triumph. On the Niger Delta
bill, for instance, you will expect that members from the South South
will vote en masse for it, the way members from the north central and
north west will rally for the Hypperdec bill…On balance in such
circumstances, negotiations begin among the zones.

You have emphasised
the patriotism of legislators yet the impression Nigerians have of them
is of people who care only about lining their pockets

I believe that
between 1999-2003, we fared very well because most of what we did was
for altruistic reasons. But I am not claiming perfection. However, when
the executive arm realised the enormous potential of the legislature,
they became highly interested to the effect that in 2003, they ensured
through the manipulation of the parties that majority of those who came
to the legislature were their cronies. That started the decline of the
legislature and it is still declining, because the norm in the assembly
is now collusion with the executive instead of acting as a check on the
executive.

Is this a consequence of the failure of leadership in the National Assembly?

Well, this is what
happens when the executive install the leadership. The leadership must
then hearken to the executive. And I don’t foresee any changes. So long
as the structure of our political parties remain the way they are, we
will continue to put forward garbage after garbage for the National
Assembly and whenever you find reasonable people, they will be the
exception rather than the rule.

What is the consequences of the high turnover among legislators?

We are spending
more money on the legislature and also wasting that money because most
of the lawmakers do not return. Between 1999 and 2000, the House of
representatives spent over N500 million in the training of legislators,
majority of whom did not return in 2003. So you can see the wastage of
funds.

What is the major cause of this?

It is a consequence
of interference. Those who own the parties decide that once you don’t
do what they ask you to do and you prefer to work according to the
dictates of your conscience, they decide that you can’t go back. Since
there is no internal democracy, you can’t win in the primaries because
the party machinery will be used to ensure that the delegates selected
reject your candidacy. Thus, they will continue to deny capable people
the chance of coming to the legislature.

What has been your legacy to the House of Representatives?

The legacy I left
is enormous. There used to be order, decorum and a sense of
responsibility; and there was zeal even among the civil servants. And
the legislature was full of confidence and the feeling of independence
was enjoyed by all. But all these have been eroded.